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Texas has two U.S. senators, and each represents the whole state. Senators write and vote on national laws and spending. A proposed law is called a bill. Most bills also need approval from the U.S. House and the president. Senators have two powers the House does not have. They vote on the president’s choices for U.S. judges and other top jobs, and they vote on agreements called treaties with other countries.
In 2022, senators approved Ketanji Brown Jackson for the U.S. Supreme Court by a vote of 53 to 47. Senators have also rejected some choices or never brought them up for a vote. Because U.S. judges may serve for life, a senator’s vote can affect the courts for many years.
NATO is an agreement in which member countries promise to help defend one another. In 2022, the Senate approved adding Finland and Sweden. The U.S. House does not vote on treaties, so this is a choice made by senators.
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Democratic · U.S. Senator · Statewide
Congress sets federal taxes, tariffs, the minimum wage, housing aid, and many rules for businesses. A senator can propose and vote on those laws. A senator cannot set Texas property taxes or lower prices alone.
Talarico supports a $15 federal minimum wage and larger Child Tax Credits and Earned Income Tax Credits. He wants higher taxes on billionaires and large companies. He would end the Trump tariffs, which are taxes on imported goods. For housing, he supports more federal tax credits for affordable apartments and a ban on Wall Street firms buying homes. In the Texas House, he helped pass a 2025 law that lets cities approve certain smaller apartment buildings under strict fire-safety rules. The goal was to make more lots available for housing.
Congress sets national pollution and energy rules. It can fund grid repairs, home weatherproofing, and FEMA help before disasters. It also decides which energy projects get federal tax help. The Senate approves top federal regulators.
Talarico wants federal money to weatherproof the Texas grid, update old equipment, and help families weatherproof their homes. He would restore federal tax credits for clean energy and increase FEMA aid before disasters. He would make data centers pay their own grid costs. In the Texas House, he filed the 2021 Texas Climate Action Act. It called for state pollution limits and a plan to protect Texas from climate damage, but the bill did not pass.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs. A senator can propose and vote on those laws but cannot change them alone.
Talarico helped pass a 2021 Texas law that caps what many insured patients pay for a 30-day insulin prescription at $25. He wrote a 2023 law creating a state program to import lower-cost drugs from Canada, but it needs federal approval before imports can begin. For the Senate, he would let people of any age choose a Medicare-based public plan, increase help with ACA premiums, and reverse federal Medicaid cuts.
Congress sets Social Security taxes, benefits, and the retirement age. The retirement fund is projected to pay full scheduled benefits through late 2032. If Congress does nothing, incoming money would cover about 78% of scheduled retirement benefits after that. One senator cannot change benefits alone.
Talarico opposes reducing Social Security benefits. He wants wages above $400,000 to be subject to the Social Security payroll tax. That money would help extend the program's ability to pay full benefits. He also supports tax incentives for employers that offer pensions.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on abortion laws. One senator cannot change the law alone.
Talarico wants Congress to protect abortion nationwide before fetal viability. Viability is when a fetus may be able to survive outside the uterus, usually around 23 or 24 weeks. Before then, the woman and her doctor would decide. After viability, government could ban abortion, but it would have to allow an exception to protect the woman's life or health. In 2025, he voted to clarify Texas's medical exception and against barring Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas.
Congress can change federal background-check rules, gun-sale age limits, firearm restrictions, gun-trafficking laws, and school-safety funding. Texas controls many rules about carrying guns. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on gun laws.
Talarico supports background checks for all gun sales, safe storage around children, and stronger prosecution of gun traffickers. He would raise the purchase age for certain semiautomatic rifles with military-style features and high-capacity magazines. In the Texas House, he voted against the law that allows most adults to carry a handgun without a license or training. In 2025, he voted to raise the purchase and transfer age for semiautomatic rifles to 21. That proposal failed, 57-85.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Talarico voted against Texas's 2025 voucher law. He voted for a separate law that added $8.5 billion for public schools, including more than $4 billion for teacher and staff pay. In 2023, he filed a bill for a $15,000 teacher raise, but it did not pass. For the U.S. Senate, he says he would oppose federal voucher plans and support more federal help for special education and teacher training.
Congress can protect people from discrimination, protect federal recognition of marriages, and set rules for federal programs and funding. States control many school, sports, and medical-licensing rules. The Senate confirms judges who decide whether those laws are allowed.
Talarico supports federal protection for same-sex marriage and laws protecting LGBTQ people from discrimination. In September 2026, he said he would support a national ban on gender-transition surgery for minors. He also said he opposes transgender girls competing in girls' sports when it creates a safety or fairness problem. He has said local school and sports officials should make many eligibility decisions. His earlier Texas House record was different. He voted against state restrictions on transgender medical care and school sports, saying those bills were too broad. His current campaign position is more restrictive than those earlier votes.
Congress can set national voting protections, campaign-finance rules, and ethics rules for federal officials. States run elections, but federal law can limit what states do. The Senate confirms federal judges and can investigate federal officials.
Talarico supports federal voting protections, independent commissions to draw political districts, a ban on congressional stock trading, and stronger Supreme Court ethics rules. He also wants to ban corporate PACs and super PACs. In the Texas House, he filed bills to create an independent redistricting commission. They did not pass. He also joined two walkouts intended to delay voting and redistricting bills. He helped require Texas counties to post election information online.
Congress writes immigration and asylum laws. It funds Border Patrol, ICE, immigration courts, and detention. It can make legal immigration easier or harder and change who may be deported. The Senate also approves top immigration officials and federal judges.
Talarico would hire more Border Patrol agents and immigration judges. He supports more screening technology at ports of entry and barriers where officials show they are needed. He would give some longtime undocumented immigrants a path to citizenship and some recent arrivals temporary work permits. He says ICE should focus deportations on people who pose serious threats. In the Texas House, he voted against a 2023 law meant to let Texas police arrest people for crossing the border illegally and let state judges order them out of the country.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One senator cannot close it alone.
Talarico says ICE should focus on criminals, gang members, and human traffickers, not mothers and babies. No statement from him calling for Dilley to close was found.
Congress votes on U.S. aid and weapons for other countries. It can place limits on that money or stop it. The Senate also approves treaties and ambassadors.
Talarico says Israel may defend its people, but its government should not bomb civilians, block aid, or punish Gaza's whole population. He would stop U.S. sales of offensive weapons to Israel but keep support for Iron Dome and other defensive systems. He supports a two-state agreement that disarms Hamas and stops new Israeli settlements. He says he will not take AIPAC money. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC or the Republican Jewish Coalition PAC.
Congress can require safety tests and public reports before powerful AI systems are released. It can set national rules for privacy, workers, children, and exports of advanced computer chips.
Talarico would require human review when AI is used for promotions, discipline, or firing. He would limit AI surveillance at work, apply copyright law to AI companies, and tighten controls on advanced chips sent to foreign adversaries. His plan does not require independent safety tests before the most powerful AI systems are released. In the Texas House, he helped write a 2025 law requiring social media sites to remove and investigate reports of sexually explicit deepfakes.
Congress can set national rules for data center power use, water, pollution, tax breaks, and public reports. Texas and local governments decide most building sites and local water use.
Talarico wants national rules for data centers' effects on the grid, water, pollution, and jobs. He would make companies pay grid-connection costs, recycle water, and publish power, water, and tax records. He opposes a full pause on new data centers. In the Texas House, he voted to move a 2025 law with grid-cost and emergency shutoff rules forward. He was absent for the final vote. Ending Texas's tax break and giving Texas counties more control would require state law, not a U.S. Senate vote.
Republican · U.S. Senator · Statewide
Congress sets federal taxes, tariffs, the minimum wage, housing aid, and many rules for businesses. A senator can propose and vote on those laws. A senator cannot set Texas property taxes or lower prices alone.
Paxton would let people subtract up to $25,000 in medical costs from their taxable income. He also proposes deductions for some homebuyers and certain health and fitness costs. These deductions would give larger tax savings to people in higher tax brackets. People who owe little or no federal income tax could receive little or no benefit. He would also double the Child Tax Credit from $2,200 to $4,400 per child. He has not said how much of the larger credit families could receive as a refund if they owe little or no federal income tax.
Congress sets national pollution and energy rules. It can fund grid repairs, home weatherproofing, and FEMA help before disasters. It also decides which energy projects get federal tax help. The Senate approves top federal regulators.
As attorney general, Paxton sued to stop a federal rule that required oil and gas companies to find and fix methane leaks. He also praised the 2025 law that ended or shortened several clean-energy tax credits. For the grid, he says data centers should pay their own costs. His campaign gives no plan to weatherproof the Texas grid or increase FEMA aid before disasters.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs. A senator can propose and vote on those laws but cannot change them alone.
As attorney general, Paxton led a lawsuit asking courts to end the ACA. The Supreme Court dismissed the case because the states lacked legal standing, so the law stayed in place. If the lawsuit had won, the ACA's coverage rules and help with premiums would have ended. For the Senate, Paxton proposes tax deductions of up to $25,000 per person and dependent for insurance premiums and other medical costs. The deductions could lower taxes for people who owe federal income tax. They would not lower the prices charged by doctors or insurers.
Congress sets Social Security taxes, benefits, and the retirement age. The retirement fund is projected to pay full scheduled benefits through late 2032. If Congress does nothing, incoming money would cover about 78% of scheduled retirement benefits after that. One senator cannot change benefits alone.
Paxton's campaign says he would protect Social Security benefits and opposes turning the program over to private investment accounts. His campaign says it would fight waste, fraud, and abuse. It has not explained what taxes, benefit changes, or other funding it would support to prevent the projected reduction after 2032. Keeping all scheduled benefits requires Congress to add revenue, reduce future costs, or do both.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on abortion laws. One senator cannot change the law alone.
Paxton supports giving Texas state government the power to decide when abortion is allowed. Under the law he has defended, a woman and her doctor may obtain an abortion only when a doctor believes continuing the pregnancy risks death or serious harm to a major body function. Texas has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. As attorney general, he sued to block federal protection for emergency abortion care and pursued providers in other states who mailed abortion pills into Texas. He has not said what federal abortion law he would support as a senator.
Congress can change federal background-check rules, gun-sale age limits, firearm restrictions, gun-trafficking laws, and school-safety funding. Texas controls many rules about carrying guns. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on gun laws.
Paxton attacked Senator John Cornyn for helping pass the federal gun law enacted after the Uvalde school shooting. That law funded school security and mental-health services, strengthened gun-trafficking laws, and added checks for buyers under 21. As attorney general, Paxton sued to stop federal rules requiring registration of certain pistols with stabilizing braces. He also fought a rule that would have required more people who regularly sell guns to register as dealers and conduct background checks.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
As attorney general, Paxton issued a 2023 legal opinion saying Texas could create a voucher program that families use at private and religious schools. His Senate campaign lists no proposal for federal public-school funding, teacher pay, or the U.S. Department of Education.
Congress can protect people from discrimination, protect federal recognition of marriages, and set rules for federal programs and funding. States control many school, sports, and medical-licensing rules. The Senate confirms judges who decide whether those laws are allowed.
Paxton supports Texas laws banning puberty blockers, hormone treatment, and transition surgery for transgender minors. As attorney general, he issued a legal opinion saying that some of this care could be treated as child abuse. He defended the state ban and investigated groups and medical providers suspected of helping minors receive the prohibited care. Paxton also fought federal rules that barred discrimination based on gender identity in some federally funded programs. After the Supreme Court made same-sex marriage legal nationwide, he issued an opinion saying some county clerks could seek a religious accommodation from issuing marriage licenses.
Congress can set national voting protections, campaign-finance rules, and ethics rules for federal officials. States run elections, but federal law can limit what states do. The Senate confirms federal judges and can investigate federal officials.
Paxton supports a federal law requiring people to show proof of citizenship when registering and photo identification when voting. As attorney general, he defended Texas rules requiring mail voters to provide an identification number that matches state records. In 2020, Paxton filed a Supreme Court case challenging the presidential election results in Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. The Court dismissed the case because Texas did not have legal standing to bring it. In 2023, the Republican-led Texas House voted 121-23 to impeach Paxton over allegations that he misused his office to help a donor. The Texas Senate acquitted him. Federal prosecutors later closed a related investigation without filing charges.
Congress writes immigration and asylum laws. It funds Border Patrol, ICE, immigration courts, and detention. It can make legal immigration easier or harder and change who may be deported. The Senate also approves top immigration officials and federal judges.
Paxton says he would help finish the border wall and deport undocumented immigrants who commit crimes. As attorney general, his office signed an agreement allowing its investigators to help ICE. His office then detained 50 undocumented immigrants in Houston-area raids and turned them over for deportation proceedings. He also won a lawsuit requiring the federal government to use money Congress had already set aside for the border wall.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One senator cannot close it alone.
Paxton supported a Texas rule that allowed Dilley to be licensed as a child-care facility. As attorney general, he fought in court to keep that rule. His office said licensing would allow state safety inspections. Under the federal rules then in effect, a state license could also allow children to be held there longer.
Congress votes on U.S. aid and weapons for other countries. It can place limits on that money or stop it. The Senate also approves treaties and ambassadors.
Paxton has questioned sending billions of dollars to Israel and other countries. He says the U.S. should still help fund defensive systems such as Iron Dome. Paxton supported keeping some private companies from getting state contracts if they boycotted Israel. As attorney general, he fought in court to keep that law in place. His 2025–26 FEC file shows a $5,000 contribution from the Republican Jewish Coalition PAC for the general election.
Congress can require safety tests and public reports before powerful AI systems are released. It can set national rules for privacy, workers, children, and exports of advanced computer chips.
Paxton would ban Chinese technology from U.S. data centers and allow criminal charges when a data center powers an AI chatbot that breaks child-safety laws. As attorney general, he opened investigations into Meta and Character.AI chatbots marketed as mental-health tools for children. Opening an investigation is not a finding that a law was broken. He also investigated the Chinese AI company DeepSeek over privacy and security concerns. His Senate plan does not require independent safety tests before powerful AI systems are released.
Congress can set national rules for data center power use, water, pollution, tax breaks, and public reports. Texas and local governments decide most building sites and local water use.
Paxton would let data centers build their own off-grid power systems outside federal utility rules. He supports water-recycling systems, making companies pay infrastructure costs, ending tax breaks, and banning new data centers in rural Texas. In 2013, as a state senator, he voted for the Texas sales-tax break for data centers that he now says should end.
Libertarian · U.S. Senator · Statewide
Congress sets federal taxes, tariffs, the minimum wage, housing aid, and many rules for businesses. A senator can propose and vote on those laws. A senator cannot set Texas property taxes or lower prices alone.
Brown wants to abolish the IRS and end federal income, capital-gains, estate, and Social Security payroll taxes. He says the income tax should be replaced with nothing. Ending those taxes would leave workers and businesses with more of their income. It would also remove much of the money used for Social Security and other federal programs. Brown says the federal government should close many agencies and make large spending cuts. He would also end the Trump tariffs. Brown has no government voting record.
Congress sets national pollution and energy rules. It can fund grid repairs, home weatherproofing, and FEMA help before disasters. It also decides which energy projects get federal tax help. The Senate approves top federal regulators.
Brown says climate change is happening. He opposes government rules that favor or limit an energy source, and he opposes taxpayer help for energy companies. He supports fossil fuels, wind, solar, and nuclear power competing without subsidies. For the grid, he suggests small nuclear reactors that could keep data centers off the main system. He gives no plan to weatherproof the Texas grid or increase FEMA aid before disasters.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs. A senator can propose and vote on those laws but cannot change them alone.
Brown says health care is a service, not a right. He would reduce the government's role and rely on private insurance. He supports health savings accounts, tax deductions for medical costs, and insurance sold across state lines. He also supports lower-cost plans that mainly cover major medical bills. People with those plans would pay more routine costs themselves.
Congress sets Social Security taxes, benefits, and the retirement age. The retirement fund is projected to pay full scheduled benefits through late 2032. If Congress does nothing, incoming money would cover about 78% of scheduled retirement benefits after that. One senator cannot change benefits alone.
Brown wants to end the Social Security payroll tax. That tax supplies most of the program's income. His campaign does not say whether current benefits would be ended, reduced, or paid from another source after the tax is gone. This is a central missing part of his tax plan because he promises to end the program's main source of money.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on abortion laws. One senator cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on whether Brown would let federal or state government limit abortion, leave the decision to the woman and doctor, or which exceptions he supports.
Congress can change federal background-check rules, gun-sale age limits, firearm restrictions, gun-trafficking laws, and school-safety funding. Texas controls many rules about carrying guns. The Senate also confirms federal judges who rule on gun laws.
Brown says he would repeal existing federal gun-control laws. He opposes red-flag laws, limits on gun ownership, and gun-free zones. He supports carrying concealed guns. Brown has no government voting record.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Brown would abolish the U.S. Department of Education. He supports tax credits to help families pay private-school tuition. He opposes direct vouchers because he says they could give the government control over private schools. He also supports charter schools and homeschooling.
Congress can protect people from discrimination, protect federal recognition of marriages, and set rules for federal programs and funding. States control many school, sports, and medical-licensing rules. The Senate confirms judges who decide whether those laws are allowed.
Brown says adults should be free to live as they choose as long as they do not violate another person's rights. His campaign points to the Libertarian Party's early support for same-sex marriage. No specific Brown position was found on transgender medical care for minors or transgender students in school sports. Brown has no government voting record.
Congress can set national voting protections, campaign-finance rules, and ethics rules for federal officials. States run elections, but federal law can limit what states do. The Senate confirms federal judges and can investigate federal officials.
Brown wants every presidential executive order and emergency declaration to require approval from Congress before taking effect. He also supports automatic end dates for emergency powers. His platform gives no specific position on voter registration, voter ID, district maps, or campaign-finance rules. Brown has no government voting record.
Congress writes immigration and asylum laws. It funds Border Patrol, ICE, immigration courts, and detention. It can make legal immigration easier or harder and change who may be deported. The Senate also approves top immigration officials and federal judges.
Brown would let people enter through any U.S. port after a criminal-record and health check. He would let them work right away. He would abolish ICE, end inland immigration raids and checkpoints, and keep Border Patrol at borders and ports of entry. He opposes a border wall and would close existing immigration detention centers.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One senator cannot close it alone.
Brown says he would close existing immigration detention centers and abolish ICE. That would close Dilley. He has no congressional voting record.
Congress votes on U.S. aid and weapons for other countries. It can place limits on that money or stop it. The Senate also approves treaties and ambassadors.
Brown says U.S. money helped finance Israel's destruction of Gaza. He would end all U.S. foreign aid, including aid to Israel, and end U.S. military involvement in the Middle East. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC or the Republican Jewish Coalition PAC.
Congress can require safety tests and public reports before powerful AI systems are released. It can set national rules for privacy, workers, children, and exports of advanced computer chips.
Brown's campaign platform gives no position on required safety tests, public incident reports, or release limits for powerful AI systems.
Congress can set national rules for data center power use, water, pollution, tax breaks, and public reports. Texas and local governments decide most building sites and local water use.
Brown opposes taxpayer subsidies for data centers. He says companies should show where their power and water will come from and prove nearby residents will not be harmed. He supports public reports on local effects. For electricity, he suggests small nuclear reactors that could keep data centers off the main grid.
The governor leads the part of state government that carries out Texas laws. After the Texas House and Senate pass a bill, the governor can sign it into law or reject it with a veto. The governor chooses many people who lead state boards and agencies. The governor can also call lawmakers back to Austin for an extra meeting and choose which subjects they may discuss. The governor cannot pass a law alone.
The governor told lawmakers to move quickly on changes to the electric system and signed two bills they passed. The new laws required important power and gas sites to prepare for severe weather and allowed penalties when they did not follow the rules.
The Texas House and Senate had already passed all of these bills. The governor’s signature made 1,155 of them law. His veto stopped 28 unless lawmakers could gather enough votes to override him. He also called lawmakers back for an extra meeting and chose the subjects they could discuss.
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Democratic · Governor · Statewide
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws about energy, water, buildings, and disasters. The governor appoints officials who oversee the power grid, pollution, and state water programs. The Legislature controls state spending.
Hinojosa helped release a 2021 Texas plan to limit routine gas flaring, report pollution, and strengthen enforcement. Many of its bills did not pass. In 2026, she called for a pause on new data centers until Texas sets stronger power and water rules.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas health laws and appoints the insurance commissioner. The Legislature decides Medicaid eligibility, state coverage programs, and spending.
Hinojosa voted in 2025 to direct the state health agency to seek Medicaid expansion. Her campaign says she would cover every Texas child, stop bad-faith insurance claim denials, and support rural hospitals.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The governor signs or vetoes changes to Texas abortion law. The Legislature must pass a bill before the governor can change the ban or its exceptions.
Hinojosa says Texas should end its abortion ban and let the patient make the decision with a doctor. As a state representative in 2025, she voted to clarify the medical exception and against barring Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas.
The governor signs or vetoes state school budgets and voucher laws and appoints the education commissioner. The Legislature must pass and fund the changes.
Hinojosa voted against the 2025 voucher law and for the law that added $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. As governor, she says she would end vouchers, replace STAAR, and increase teacher pay. The Legislature would have to approve those changes.
The governor directs Texas DPS and the Texas National Guard, signs state border laws and budgets, and decides how Texas helps federal enforcement. The governor cannot change federal visa or asylum law or order the federal Dilley center to close.
Hinojosa voted against Texas SB 8, which requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. She also called for the release of a five-year-old held at Dilley and supports federal legislation to end family detention. A Texas governor cannot change federal visa or asylum law.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The governor cannot close or run Dilley. The governor can decide whether Texas agencies provide land, facilities, officers, or other help for federal detention.
Hinojosa called for the release of a five-year-old held at Dilley and supports federal legislation to end family detention. As governor, she could stop optional Texas help for federal detention, but she could not close Dilley.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas AI bills and directs state agencies within powers set by law.
As a state representative, Hinojosa voted for the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. No separate campaign plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the public pages reviewed.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws, appoints utility and environmental regulators, and can direct state agencies within powers set by law.
Hinojosa has called for a pause on new data center approvals until Texas adopts stronger rules. Her plan calls for public notice, water and grid protections, local input, and an end to the state sales-tax break. As a state representative, she voted for SB 6 in 2025.
Republican · Governor · Statewide
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws about energy, water, buildings, and disasters. The governor appoints officials who oversee the power grid, pollution, and state water programs. The Legislature controls state spending.
Abbott backed another $5 billion for the Texas Energy Fund, which mainly finances power plants that can run on demand, including gas plants. He also points to state funding for water projects and proposed help to strengthen roofs before severe weather. He has not set a statewide target for cutting heat-trapping pollution.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas health laws and appoints the insurance commissioner. The Legislature decides Medicaid eligibility, state coverage programs, and spending.
Texas has not expanded Medicaid during Abbott's time as governor, and he has not proposed doing so. His 2026 plan would let employers offer lower-premium health plans that leave out some benefits now required by state law.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The governor signs or vetoes changes to Texas abortion law. The Legislature must pass a bill before the governor can change the ban or its exceptions.
Abbott signed the 2021 law that now bans nearly all abortions in Texas. The law has a medical exception but no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. In 2025, he signed a law clarifying that doctors may act before a medical risk becomes immediate. He also signed a law barring Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas.
The governor signs or vetoes state school budgets and voucher laws and appoints the education commissioner. The Legislature must pass and fund the changes.
Abbott made vouchers a top goal and signed the 2025 law that put $1 billion into private-school and homeschool accounts. He also signed a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. In the voucher program's first year, 70% of students had already been in private school or homeschool.
The governor directs Texas DPS and the Texas National Guard, signs state border laws and budgets, and decides how Texas helps federal enforcement. The governor cannot change federal visa or asylum law or order the federal Dilley center to close.
Abbott launched Operation Lone Star and deployed Texas National Guard members and state police at the border. He signed SB 8, which requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. He also ordered state agencies to find land and facilities that could be used for federal immigration detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The governor cannot close or run Dilley. The governor can decide whether Texas agencies provide land, facilities, officers, or other help for federal detention.
Abbott ordered Texas agencies to identify state land, facilities, and other resources for federal immigration detention. He has not called for Dilley to close or addressed its documented conditions. As governor, he cannot direct ICE or end the Dilley contract.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas AI bills and directs state agencies within powers set by law.
Abbott signed HB 149 in 2025. The law covers disclosures, some harmful or discriminatory uses, biometrics, state use, and enforcement. It does not require independent tests before a powerful general-purpose model is released. No separate Abbott plan for biological, cyber, or loss-of-control testing was found in the public pages reviewed.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws, appoints utility and environmental regulators, and can direct state agencies within powers set by law.
Abbott first promoted Texas as a major AI and data center hub. In 2026 he directed grid regulators to make data centers pay their connection costs, ordered an audit before new grid connections, and called for water, noise, neighborhood, and tax-incentive rules in the next Legislature.
Libertarian · Governor · Statewide
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws about energy, water, buildings, and disasters. The governor appoints officials who oversee the power grid, pollution, and state water programs. The Legislature controls state spending.
Dixon supports water prices that pay for infrastructure and reward conservation. He also supports water reuse, brush removal for fire safety, and study of floodwater diversion. He favors market incentives and gives no statewide pollution-cut target.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas health laws and appoints the insurance commissioner. The Legislature decides Medicaid eligibility, state coverage programs, and spending.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The governor signs or vetoes changes to Texas abortion law. The Legislature must pass a bill before the governor can change the ban or its exceptions.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
The governor signs or vetoes state school budgets and voucher laws and appoints the education commissioner. The Legislature must pass and fund the changes.
Dixon would expand the Texas voucher program into an equal scholarship for each child that could be used at any school. He would also remove state testing rules. He has not held state office and gives no separate teacher-pay proposal.
The governor directs Texas DPS and the Texas National Guard, signs state border laws and budgets, and decides how Texas helps federal enforcement. The governor cannot change federal visa or asylum law or order the federal Dilley center to close.
Dixon says immigration is mainly a federal responsibility and Texas should cooperate with lawful federal enforcement. He also says lower border crossings do not justify killing or harassing people. His campaign does not say which Texas border programs he would keep or end.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The governor cannot close or run Dilley. The governor can decide whether Texas agencies provide land, facilities, officers, or other help for federal detention.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas AI bills and directs state agencies within powers set by law.
Dixon has published a plan about the cost and resource use of AI data centers. No clear plan for testing or releasing powerful AI models was found in the campaign pages reviewed.
The governor signs or vetoes Texas laws, appoints utility and environmental regulators, and can direct state agencies within powers set by law.
Dixon says Texas should not subsidize AI data centers. He would accept a project only if it pays for its effects or supplies the power and water it needs.
The lieutenant governor leads the Texas Senate, one of the two groups that must pass a bill before it can become state law. This person chooses which senators serve on each smaller work group, called a committee, and who leads it. Committees study bills and decide whether to send them to the full Senate for a vote. The lieutenant governor has a great deal of power over which bills move and which ones wait.
Before lawmakers met in 2025, the lieutenant governor chose the members and leaders of Senate groups that study money, schools, roads, and other subjects. A committee leader can decide when a proposed law gets a public meeting where people may speak for or against it. The leader can also decide when the group votes.
Texas lawmakers meet for a regular session every two years. Between those meetings, the lieutenant governor gives each Senate committee a list of subjects to study. The committee may hold public meetings and write possible bills about roads, water, schools, or other issues.
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Libertarian · Lieutenant Governor · Statewide
The lieutenant governor controls which energy, water, pollution, and disaster bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office cannot enact a bill alone.
Cristo has not published a clear plan for Texas pollution, the electric grid, water, or protection from extreme weather.
The lieutenant governor controls which health bills reach the Texas Senate. That includes bills about Medicaid, insurance rules, and state health spending.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The lieutenant governor decides which abortion bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints the committees that hear them. The office cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
The lieutenant governor controls which school bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office can advance or block a bill, but cannot enact it alone.
Cristo says Texas should use part of its budget surplus to fund public schools without raising taxes. He is a high-school teacher and has no legislative voting record. His campaign gives no position on the current voucher program.
The lieutenant governor controls which border and immigration bills reach the Texas Senate and helps shape the state budget. The office cannot change federal immigration law or direct ICE.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The lieutenant governor cannot close or run Dilley. The office controls which Texas cooperation bills reach the Senate and helps shape state spending that supports federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which AI bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which data center bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Republican · Lieutenant Governor · Statewide
The lieutenant governor controls which energy, water, pollution, and disaster bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office cannot enact a bill alone.
Patrick helped make another $5 billion for mostly gas-fired power a Senate priority in 2025. He also backed $350 million for nuclear development. The Senate passed added rules and costs for wind and solar, but the House did not pass them.
The lieutenant governor controls which health bills reach the Texas Senate. That includes bills about Medicaid, insurance rules, and state health spending.
Patrick has opposed ACA Medicaid expansion. In 2025 he made reducing barriers to health insurance a Senate priority, but Medicaid expansion did not reach a vote. No 2026 plan with a coverage goal or date was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The lieutenant governor decides which abortion bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints the committees that hear them. The office cannot change the law alone.
Patrick made Texas's 2021 trigger ban a Senate priority and helped move it through the chamber. The law now bans nearly all abortions and has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. In 2025, he backed a bill clarifying that doctors may act before a medical risk becomes immediate.
The lieutenant governor controls which school bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office can advance or block a bill, but cannot enact it alone.
Patrick used his control of the Texas Senate to advance voucher bills for years before the 2025 program passed. He backed its first $1 billion budget. He also supported the separate law that added $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay.
The lieutenant governor controls which border and immigration bills reach the Texas Senate and helps shape the state budget. The office cannot change federal immigration law or direct ICE.
Patrick made Texas SB 8 a Senate priority. The law requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. He also backed $6.5 billion for state border operations in the 2026–27 budget.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The lieutenant governor cannot close or run Dilley. The office controls which Texas cooperation bills reach the Senate and helps shape state spending that supports federal immigration enforcement.
Patrick made Texas SB 8 a Senate priority. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. He also backed $6.5 billion for state border operations. He has not said whether Dilley should close.
The lieutenant governor controls which AI bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
Patrick has directed Senate committees to study AI's effects on workers, schools, privacy, and state rules. No plan for independent safety tests or release limits for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the public pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which data center bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
Patrick directed Senate committees to study data center power and water use, community effects, grid rules, and tax incentives before the 2027 session. He has not yet published a final bill or a full set of rules.
Green · Lieutenant Governor · Statewide
The lieutenant governor controls which energy, water, pollution, and disaster bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office cannot enact a bill alone.
McCormick says Texas should cut greenhouse-gas pollution by 75%, expand renewable power, and electrify transportation. His public plan does not give a starting year, deadline, or list of bills for reaching that goal.
The lieutenant governor controls which health bills reach the Texas Senate. That includes bills about Medicaid, insurance rules, and state health spending.
McCormick supports spending on preventive primary care and public health. He gives no plan to expand Medicaid, change insurance coverage, or lower medical prices.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The lieutenant governor decides which abortion bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints the committees that hear them. The office cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
The lieutenant governor controls which school bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office can advance or block a bill, but cannot enact it alone.
McCormick is a former teacher but has not published a clear plan for Texas vouchers, the basic school allotment, or teacher pay.
The lieutenant governor controls which border and immigration bills reach the Texas Senate and helps shape the state budget. The office cannot change federal immigration law or direct ICE.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The lieutenant governor cannot close or run Dilley. The office controls which Texas cooperation bills reach the Senate and helps shape state spending that supports federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which AI bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which data center bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
McCormick says data centers should not receive tax cuts, priority access to electricity, or water transfers. His campaign also lists stronger water policy as a priority.
Democratic · Lieutenant Governor · Statewide
The lieutenant governor controls which energy, water, pollution, and disaster bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office cannot enact a bill alone.
Goodwin filed a 2025 bill to end routine natural-gas flaring, but it did not pass. She also supports more renewable power and energy efficiency. Her water plan calls for less waste, more reuse, and stronger drought planning.
The lieutenant governor controls which health bills reach the Texas Senate. That includes bills about Medicaid, insurance rules, and state health spending.
Goodwin voted in 2025 to direct the state health agency to seek Medicaid expansion. Her Texas Cares plan would expand Medicaid to 138% of the federal poverty level, add state coverage above that line, and offer a state-run plan open to all Texans.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The lieutenant governor decides which abortion bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints the committees that hear them. The office cannot change the law alone.
Goodwin filed a proposed Texas constitutional amendment protecting personal decisions about abortion and other reproductive care. It did not receive a vote. She voted against Texas's 2021 early-pregnancy ban. In 2025, she voted to clarify the medical exception and against barring Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas.
The lieutenant governor controls which school bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees. The office can advance or block a bill, but cannot enact it alone.
Goodwin voted against the 2025 voucher law and for the law that added $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. Her bills to raise the basic school allotment and link it to inflation did not pass. As lieutenant governor, she says she would bring similar funding plans to a vote.
The lieutenant governor controls which border and immigration bills reach the Texas Senate and helps shape the state budget. The office cannot change federal immigration law or direct ICE.
Goodwin voted against Texas SB 8 and against the 2023 law that lets Texas police arrest people for illegal border crossings and lets state judges order them out of the country. She also tried to stop state immigration arrests at colleges and universities, but the amendment failed.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The lieutenant governor cannot close or run Dilley. The office controls which Texas cooperation bills reach the Senate and helps shape state spending that supports federal immigration enforcement.
Goodwin voted against Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. She has not said whether Dilley should close.
The lieutenant governor controls which AI bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
As a state representative, Goodwin voted for the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. Her campaign has a detailed data center plan, but no separate plan for tests or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the pages reviewed.
The lieutenant governor controls which data center bills reach the Texas Senate and appoints its committees.
Goodwin calls for a pause on new construction until Texas passes stronger rules. Her plan would protect water and the grid, make companies pay their costs, require reports and impact studies, set pollution and noise rules, and give counties more authority. She voted for SB 6 in 2025.
The attorney general is the main lawyer for the State of Texas. This office files lawsuits for the state, defends the state when it is sued, goes after some scams and unfair business practices, and runs the child-support system. It does not handle most local crimes. Denton County prosecutors do that.
Texas said Google collected people’s location and search information without clear permission. In 2025, Google agreed to pay the state $1.375 billion to end two lawsuits. The attorney general decides which companies the state will take to court and what result the state will accept.
In the federal budget year that ended in 2023, the office helped collect almost $4.3 billion in child support. For a parent who is missing a payment, the speed of this office can affect rent, food, and child care that month.
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Republican · Attorney General · Statewide
The attorney general can sue to block or defend federal and state environmental rules. The office does not write pollution limits, run the electric grid, or set local drainage policy.
Middleton voted for a 2025 bill that would have added state permits and fees for new wind and solar projects. The bill did not pass the House. His attorney-general campaign gives no plan for lawsuits over federal pollution or climate rules.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The attorney general enforces the ban, defends it in court, and may ask courts to stop care that the office says is illegal. The attorney general cannot rewrite the ban or its exceptions.
Middleton co-authored the 2021 trigger law that now bans nearly all abortions in Texas. In 2025, he supported SB 33, which bars Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. He also voted to clarify when doctors may act under the medical exception. As attorney general, he could enforce these laws but could not change the exceptions himself.
The attorney general defends or challenges state and federal actions in court and enforces Texas law. The office cannot rewrite federal immigration law or direct ICE and the Dilley center.
Middleton voted for Texas SB 8, which requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. As a candidate for attorney general, he says he would sue cities that limit cooperation with ICE and seek deportation of dangerous people who entered unlawfully.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The attorney general cannot close or run Dilley. The office can defend or challenge state cooperation rules and related federal actions in court.
Middleton voted for Texas SB 8, which requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. He says he would sue cities that limit cooperation with ICE. He has not said whether Dilley should close or whether he would challenge its conditions. The attorney general cannot direct ICE.
The attorney general enforces Texas's AI law. The office cannot rewrite that law without the Legislature.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Democratic · Attorney General · Statewide
The attorney general can sue to block or defend federal and state environmental rules. The office does not write pollution limits, run the electric grid, or set local drainage policy.
Johnson voted against a 2025 bill that would have added state permits and fees for new wind and solar projects. The bill did not pass the House. His attorney-general campaign gives no plan for lawsuits over federal pollution or climate rules.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The attorney general enforces the ban, defends it in court, and may ask courts to stop care that the office says is illegal. The attorney general cannot rewrite the ban or its exceptions.
Johnson voted against Texas's 2021 early-pregnancy ban. In 2025, he voted to clarify the medical exception and against barring Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. As attorney general, he would have to follow laws that remain in force, but he would decide how the office defends and enforces them.
The attorney general defends or challenges state and federal actions in court and enforces Texas law. The office cannot rewrite federal immigration law or direct ICE and the Dilley center.
Johnson voted against Texas SB 8, which requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. He says Texas should help with lawful federal enforcement but challenge actions that violate the Constitution or state authority. He also called for local review when an ICE agent uses deadly force.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The attorney general cannot close or run Dilley. The office can defend or challenge state cooperation rules and related federal actions in court.
Johnson voted against Texas SB 8, which requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. He says the attorney general should challenge federal actions that violate the Constitution or state authority. He has not said whether Dilley's conditions meet that test. The attorney general cannot close the center.
The attorney general enforces Texas's AI law. The office cannot rewrite that law without the Legislature.
Johnson says he would start a 30-day audit of Texas law and the attorney general's powers over AI. His plan focuses on scams, price setting, hiring, privacy, and consumer protection. It does not propose that the attorney general act beyond current law or set model-release rules on his own.
Libertarian · Attorney General · Statewide
The attorney general can sue to block or defend federal and state environmental rules. The office does not write pollution limits, run the electric grid, or set local drainage policy.
Oxford has not published a clear position on attorney-general lawsuits over federal climate, energy, or pollution rules.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The attorney general enforces the ban, defends it in court, and may ask courts to stop care that the office says is illegal. The attorney general cannot rewrite the ban or its exceptions.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
The attorney general defends or challenges state and federal actions in court and enforces Texas law. The office cannot rewrite federal immigration law or direct ICE and the Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. The attorney general cannot close or run Dilley. The office can defend or challenge state cooperation rules and related federal actions in court.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
The attorney general enforces Texas's AI law. The office cannot rewrite that law without the Legislature.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A U.S. representative is one member of the U.S. House. This person writes and votes on national laws, taxes, and how the U.S. government spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It normally needs support from both the House and Senate and the president’s signature to become law. House members can also question and investigate U.S. government offices. Their local staff can help residents who are stuck waiting for an answer from one of those offices.
The U.S. House and Senate chose how much money the law would provide and wrote the main rules for using it. U.S. and state government offices later chose many of the exact projects. A House member votes on the law but does not personally choose every road or internet project.
A representative’s staff can ask about a late passport, Social Security payment, tax refund, or veterans benefit. They can seek an answer and ask the agency to check its work. They cannot order the agency to approve the request or break its rules.
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Democratic · U.S. Representative · District 4
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Pearce supports connecting the Texas grid to the national grid and making energy cleaner. He also calls for stronger protection of air and water. He has not held office and gives no specific federal pollution limit or FEMA prevention plan.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Pearce says he would expand Medicare, lower prescription prices, end surprise medical bills, and make childbirth care free. His public page does not give a cost or a bill for those plans.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Pearce has no congressional voting record. His campaign has not published a clear plan for federal public-school funding, special education, teacher training, or private-school tax credits.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Pearce supports a path to citizenship for longtime workers. He says ICE agents should identify themselves, use marked vehicles, and stop arresting people at immigration hearings. He has not held congressional office.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
Pearce says ICE agents should identify themselves, use marked vehicles, and stop arresting people at immigration hearings. He has not said whether Dilley should stay open or whether families should be detained there.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Pearce says he opposes U.S. military support that fuels humanitarian crises, including the crisis in Gaza. He says he will not take AIPAC money. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Republican · U.S. Representative · District 4
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Fallon voted for the 2025 law that ended the home clean-energy tax credit and shortened tax help for new wind and solar projects. He also filed a bill to deny an investment tax credit to offshore wind. He has asked federal officials to review threats to the electric grid.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Fallon voted for the final version of H.R. 1 in 2025. The law requires some adult Medicaid applicants and members to document 80 hours a month of work, school, training, or community service starting in 2027. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Fallon co-sponsored H.R. 722 in 2025. It would give embryos and fetuses constitutional legal protection from fertilization. The bill says the pregnant patient could not be prosecuted, but it names no exception for rape, incest, a fatal fetal diagnosis, or danger to the patient's life or health. It did not receive a House vote.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Fallon supported federal tax help for private-school scholarships. He voted for the 2025 law that created the credit. It is worth up to $1,700 for donations to scholarship groups. Those scholarships may pay private-school tuition and some public-school expenses. His campaign gives no separate plan for federal public-school or special-education funding.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Fallon voted for the 2025 law that provides $45 billion through 2029 for immigration detention and family residential centers. It also provides almost $30 billion for ICE enforcement and deportation work. His campaign gives no plan for faster legal immigration or more immigration judges.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
Fallon voted for the 2025 law that provided $45 billion through 2029 for immigration detention and family residential centers. That money can be used for Dilley. No statement from Fallon on Dilley's conditions was found.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Fallon has argued against withholding U.S. weapons from Israel. He also asked for tighter checks to keep civilian aid from Hamas. AIPAC PAC gave his campaign $5,000 for the 2026 primary; the campaign returned a separate $5,000 contribution for the general election.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
Fallon has proposed faster Defense Department use of commercial AI and tighter supply-chain rules aimed at foreign adversaries. He has warned that AI can speed up cyberattacks. No proposal for independent frontier-model tests or release limits was found in the public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A U.S. representative is one member of the U.S. House. This person writes and votes on national laws, taxes, and how the U.S. government spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It normally needs support from both the House and Senate and the president’s signature to become law. House members can also question and investigate U.S. government offices. Their local staff can help residents who are stuck waiting for an answer from one of those offices.
The U.S. House and Senate chose how much money the law would provide and wrote the main rules for using it. U.S. and state government offices later chose many of the exact projects. A House member votes on the law but does not personally choose every road or internet project.
A representative’s staff can ask about a late passport, Social Security payment, tax refund, or veterans benefit. They can seek an answer and ask the agency to check its work. They cannot order the agency to approve the request or break its rules.
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Democratic · U.S. Representative · District 13
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Nair would increase federal funding for parks, natural resources, and environmental science. He also wants to restore aquifers. His campaign gives no national pollution target or plan for grid weatherproofing and FEMA prevention aid.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Nair says he would work toward Medicare for All, require clearer medical prices, and support rural health care. His platform does not give a timeline or funding plan.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Nair's education plan focuses on college costs, research, and rural internet access. It gives no clear plan for federal K–12 funding, teacher training, or private-school tax credits. He has no congressional voting record.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Nair supports citizenship for law-abiding families, permanent protection for Dreamers, and work visas tied to farm and industry needs. He would end for-profit immigration detention. He has not held congressional office.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
Nair says the federal government should end for-profit immigration detention. CoreCivic runs Dilley for profit, so his plan would end the center's current operating model. He has not said whether Dilley should close or be run directly by the government.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Nair has not published a clear position on Gaza, Israel, U.S. military aid, or the genocide claim. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
Nair says government should pause its own AI rollout until constitutional safeguards are in place. He proposes a public, nonpartisan AI agency, privacy rules, limits on surveillance, and notice when AI affects major decisions. His platform does not state a rule for independent biological, cyber, or loss-of-control tests before release.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
Nair says unchecked data center growth should stop while the public reviews its water, power, and environmental costs. His broader platform calls for water protection and public oversight of AI infrastructure.
Republican · U.S. Representative · District 13
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Jackson voted for the 2025 law that ended the home clean-energy tax credit and shortened tax help for new wind and solar projects. He also proposed more federal oil and gas leasing and the reversal of several federal climate actions. He gives no plan to cut heat-trapping pollution or increase FEMA prevention aid.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Jackson voted for the final version of H.R. 1 in 2025. The law requires some adult Medicaid applicants and members to document 80 hours a month of work, school, training, or community service starting in 2027. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Jackson co-sponsored H.R. 722 in 2025. It would give embryos and fetuses constitutional legal protection from fertilization. The bill says the pregnant patient could not be prosecuted, but it names no exception for rape, incest, a fatal fetal diagnosis, or danger to the patient's life or health. It did not receive a House vote.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Jackson voted for the 2025 law that created a federal tax credit of up to $1,700 for donations to scholarship groups. Those scholarships may pay private-school tuition and some public-school expenses. His campaign gives no separate plan for federal public-school or special-education funding.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Jackson voted for the 2025 law that provides $45 billion through 2029 for immigration detention and family residential centers. It also provides almost $30 billion for ICE enforcement and deportation work. He separately proposed federal grants to repay border communities for security costs.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
Jackson voted for the 2025 law that provided $45 billion through 2029 for immigration detention and family residential centers. That money can be used for Dilley. No statement from Jackson on Dilley's conditions was found.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Jackson called the genocide accusation against Israel false in a 2024 resolution. He co-chairs the Congressional Israel Allies Caucus and filed a bill to expand U.S.–Israel defense technology work. AIPAC PAC gave his campaign $5,000 for the 2026 primary.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
Jackson introduced a bill to create a military AI institute and has backed faster defense use of AI. No proposal for independent frontier-model tests or release limits was found in the public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A U.S. representative is one member of the U.S. House. This person writes and votes on national laws, taxes, and how the U.S. government spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It normally needs support from both the House and Senate and the president’s signature to become law. House members can also question and investigate U.S. government offices. Their local staff can help residents who are stuck waiting for an answer from one of those offices.
The U.S. House and Senate chose how much money the law would provide and wrote the main rules for using it. U.S. and state government offices later chose many of the exact projects. A House member votes on the law but does not personally choose every road or internet project.
A representative’s staff can ask about a late passport, Social Security payment, tax refund, or veterans benefit. They can seek an answer and ask the agency to check its work. They cannot order the agency to approve the request or break its rules.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · U.S. Representative · District 26
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Gill voted for the 2025 law that ended the home clean-energy tax credit and shortened tax help for new wind and solar projects. He also calls for more U.S. energy production and fewer federal rules. His campaign gives no plan to cut heat-trapping pollution or increase FEMA prevention aid.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Gill voted for the final version of H.R. 1 in 2025. The law requires some adult Medicaid applicants and members to document 80 hours a month of work, school, training, or community service starting in 2027. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Gill co-sponsored H.R. 722 in 2025. It would give embryos and fetuses constitutional legal protection from fertilization. The bill says the pregnant patient could not be prosecuted, but it names no exception for rape, incest, a fatal fetal diagnosis, or danger to the patient's life or health. It did not receive a House vote.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Gill voted for the 2025 law that created a federal tax credit of up to $1,700 for donations to scholarship groups. Those scholarships may pay private-school tuition and some public-school expenses. His campaign gives no separate plan for federal public-school or special-education funding.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Gill voted for the 2025 law that expanded immigration detention and ICE enforcement. He called it funding for the largest mass-deportation operation in U.S. history. He also proposed faster removal for people convicted of violent crimes and a 25-year stop on most immigration from Somalia.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
Gill voted for the 2025 law that provided $45 billion through 2029 for immigration detention and family residential centers. That money can be used for Dilley. Gill called the law funding for the largest mass-deportation operation in U.S. history. No statement from him on Dilley's conditions was found.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Gill voted for a 2025 House resolution condemning violent antisemitic attacks. He has not published a clear position on U.S. military aid to Israel, a Gaza ceasefire, or the genocide claim. AIPAC PAC gave his campaign $5,000 for the 2026 primary.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Libertarian · U.S. Representative · District 26
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Gray has not published a clear plan for federal pollution rules, clean energy, grid weatherproofing, or FEMA prevention aid.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Gray says the government should not decide whether a patient may have an abortion. He says the decision should be left to the patient and doctor, and he opposes federal abortion limits.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Gray opposes vouchers and tax-credit programs for private-school scholarships. He says private schools could absorb the aid by raising tuition. He has no congressional voting record and gives no federal public-school funding plan.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Gray would let immigrants enter and work after a background check, payment of an entry fee, and agreement to give up federal benefits. He has not held congressional office. His plan does not set the fee or explain how people who cannot pay would be treated.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Gray said the U.S.–Israel alliance does not give Israel the right to subjugate other people. He has not published a clear position on U.S. aid, a Gaza ceasefire, or the genocide claim. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Democratic · U.S. Representative · District 26
Congress can set national pollution and energy rules, fund grid and weather projects, shape clean-energy tax policy, and fund FEMA. It does not run Denton utilities or local drainage.
Shook supports more electric transmission, storage, renewable power, and other low-carbon energy. He also supports federal money for grid repairs and weatherproofing. His campaign gives no national pollution target.
Congress sets rules and funding for Medicare, Medicaid, ACA plans, and many private health plans. It can expand or cut coverage, change help with premiums, and lower some drug costs.
Shook proposes moving step by step toward universal coverage, expanding Medicare drug-price talks to all plans, limiting out-of-pocket drug costs, protecting people with prior conditions, and funding rural hospitals and mental health care.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. Congress can protect abortion access nationwide or pass national limits. Courts decide whether a federal law is constitutional. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
Congress decides how much federal money goes to public schools, special education, and teacher training. It can also create tax breaks that help pay for private-school scholarships. Texas controls its voucher program, most school funding, and teacher pay.
Shook says he would protect federal money for public schools and oppose voucher programs without public oversight. He also supports shifting more school funding away from local property taxes. He has no congressional voting record.
Congress writes immigration and asylum law, funds ICE, Border Patrol, and immigration courts, and can set detention standards. The president directs federal enforcement under those laws.
Shook supports border security with legal immigration paths and due process. His campaign gives no specific proposal for immigration judges, enforcement staffing, detention, or case wait times. He has not held congressional office.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. Congress can fund Dilley or block money for it, set care rules, investigate conditions, and limit family detention. ICE and the president control the contract and can close the center. One representative cannot close it alone.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
Congress votes on U.S. foreign aid, weapons funding, sanctions, and conditions placed on that money.
Shook says U.S. policy should follow human-rights law and protect civilians. He has not published a Gaza-specific position on a ceasefire, military aid, or the genocide claim. His 2025–26 FEC file shows no direct contribution from AIPAC PAC.
Congress can write national AI rules, fund safety work, oversee federal agencies, and control chip exports.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Congress can set national energy, environmental, tax, and disclosure rules. Texas and local governments still make many siting and water choices.
Shook says large data centers should pay for the grid upgrades they need. He also supports stronger water and utility protections and opposes large tax breaks without a clear public benefit.
A state representative is one member of the Texas House. This person writes and votes on state laws and decides how Texas spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It needs support from both the Texas House and Senate before it goes to the governor. State representatives also vote on taxes and on whether voters should be asked to change the Texas Constitution, the main set of rules for state government.
A 2023 law required each public school campus to have an armed security officer unless the school qualified for an exception. It also required new safety plans, training, and notices to parents. State representatives voted on the rules and the money, while local schools had to carry them out.
In an extra 2023 lawmaking meeting, the House and Senate used more state money to help schools rely less on local property taxes. They also let homeowners subtract a larger amount from a home’s taxable value. Voters then approved the needed change to the Texas Constitution.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Libertarian · State Representative · District 57
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Hamilton says Texas should not favor one energy source over another. He wants public reports on grid threats, subsidies, costs, and results. His campaign gives no statewide pollution target or plan for home weatherproofing.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Hamilton says Texas should repeal its 2021 law that allows private lawsuits over abortions after early cardiac activity is detected. He has not held legislative office, so he has no voting record. His public answer does not state what later-pregnancy limits or exceptions he would support.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Hamilton has no legislative voting record. His campaign calls for lower spending and public audits but gives no position on vouchers, the basic school allotment, or teacher pay.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Democratic · State Representative · District 57
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Stith has not published a clear plan for Texas pollution, electricity, water, or protection from extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Stith has no legislative voting record and has not published a clear plan for vouchers, the basic school allotment, or teacher pay.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Republican · State Representative · District 57
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Hayes voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large power users help pay grid-connection costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He gives no separate plan for grid reliability, pollution, or extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Hayes opposed this effort to expand Medicaid. He voted against directing Texas to seek federal approval for the expansion.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Hayes voted in 2025 to bar Texas state and local governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. Hayes also voted to clarify that doctors do not have to wait until a medical threat is immediate before acting under Texas's exception. That bill did not add exceptions for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Hayes voted for the 2025 voucher law, which put $1 billion into private-school and homeschool accounts. He also voted for a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. He gives no plan to change either law.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Hayes supported requiring most county jails to help ICE. He voted for Texas SB 8, which created that rule. It lets trained local officers perform some federal immigration duties.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Hayes voted for Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. That vote supports state and local help for federal immigration enforcement, but it does not give Hayes control over Dilley. No statement from Hayes on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
Richard Hayes voted for the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. The law covers disclosures, some harmful or discriminatory uses, biometrics, state use, and attorney-general enforcement. It does not require independent tests before a powerful general-purpose model is released. No broader plan for biological, cyber, or loss-of-control risks was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
Richard Hayes voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large electric users help cover grid-connection costs and creates connection, disclosure, and emergency-curtailment rules. No published plan for a different approach to data center power, water, pollution, noise, or tax incentives was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative is one member of the Texas House. This person writes and votes on state laws and decides how Texas spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It needs support from both the Texas House and Senate before it goes to the governor. State representatives also vote on taxes and on whether voters should be asked to change the Texas Constitution, the main set of rules for state government.
A 2023 law required each public school campus to have an armed security officer unless the school qualified for an exception. It also required new safety plans, training, and notices to parents. State representatives voted on the rules and the money, while local schools had to carry them out.
In an extra 2023 lawmaking meeting, the House and Senate used more state money to help schools rely less on local property taxes. They also let homeowners subtract a larger amount from a home’s taxable value. Voters then approved the needed change to the Texas Constitution.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · State Representative · District 63
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Bumgarner voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large power users help pay grid-connection costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He gives no separate plan for grid reliability, pollution, or extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Ben Bumgarner voted no in 2025 on a budget amendment that would have directed the state health agency to seek federal approval for the broadest Medicaid expansion allowed by federal law. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Bumgarner voted in 2025 to bar Texas state and local governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. Bumgarner also voted to clarify that doctors do not have to wait until a medical threat is immediate before acting under Texas's exception. That bill did not add exceptions for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Bumgarner voted for the 2025 voucher law, which put $1 billion into private-school and homeschool accounts. He also voted for a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. He gives no plan to change either law.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Bumgarner voted for Texas SB 8 in 2025. The law requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. That lets trained local officers perform some federal immigration duties.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Bumgarner voted for Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. That vote supports state and local help for federal immigration enforcement, but it does not give Bumgarner control over Dilley. No statement from Bumgarner on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
Ben Bumgarner voted for the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. The law covers disclosures, some harmful or discriminatory uses, biometrics, state use, and attorney-general enforcement. It does not require independent tests before a powerful general-purpose model is released. No broader plan for biological, cyber, or loss-of-control risks was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
Ben Bumgarner voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large electric users help cover grid-connection costs and creates connection, disclosure, and emergency-curtailment rules. No published plan for a different approach to data center power, water, pollution, noise, or tax incentives was found in the public pages reviewed.
Democratic · State Representative · District 63
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Wooten says Texas should address climate change and use more renewable energy. She has not held legislative office and gives no specific pollution target or grid bill.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Wooten has not published a specific proposal to expand Medicaid, change insurance coverage, or lower medical prices.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Wooten says the government should not force a patient to continue a pregnancy. She supports keeping abortion legal and calls the decision a matter of personal liberty. She has not held legislative office, so she has no voting record.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Wooten opposes vouchers and says public schools need more money for students and teacher pay. She has not held legislative office. Her campaign gives no specific funding or pay proposal.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Wooten lists immigration and border security as an issue but gives no position on Texas cooperation with ICE, family detention, or legal immigration. She has not held legislative office.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative is one member of the Texas House. This person writes and votes on state laws and decides how Texas spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It needs support from both the Texas House and Senate before it goes to the governor. State representatives also vote on taxes and on whether voters should be asked to change the Texas Constitution, the main set of rules for state government.
A 2023 law required each public school campus to have an armed security officer unless the school qualified for an exception. It also required new safety plans, training, and notices to parents. State representatives voted on the rules and the money, while local schools had to carry them out.
In an extra 2023 lawmaking meeting, the House and Senate used more state money to help schools rely less on local property taxes. They also let homeowners subtract a larger amount from a home’s taxable value. Voters then approved the needed change to the Texas Constitution.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · State Representative · District 64
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Hopper voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large power users help pay grid-connection costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He gives no separate plan for grid reliability, pollution, or extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Andy Hopper voted no in 2025 on a budget amendment that would have directed the state health agency to seek federal approval for the broadest Medicaid expansion allowed by federal law. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Hopper voted against the 2025 bill that says doctors do not have to wait until a medical threat is immediate before acting. He wrote that its wording could allow more abortions. He also voted to bar Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. He has not named any exception he would add to the current ban.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Hopper voted for the 2025 voucher law and for a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. He also wrote a bill to abolish the Texas Education Agency and move many of its duties to other state offices. That bill died in committee.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Hopper voted for Texas SB 8 in 2025. The law requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. That lets trained local officers perform some federal immigration duties.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Hopper voted for Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. That vote supports state and local help for federal immigration enforcement, but it does not give Hopper control over Dilley. No statement from Hopper on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
Andy Hopper voted against the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. No published plan for a different state law on testing or releasing powerful general-purpose AI was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
Andy Hopper voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large electric users help cover grid-connection costs and creates connection, disclosure, and emergency-curtailment rules. No published plan for a different approach to data center power, water, pollution, noise, or tax incentives was found in the public pages reviewed.
Democratic · State Representative · District 64
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Evans supports using every energy source while expanding wind and solar power. She also calls for statewide energy and water planning. She has not held legislative office and gives no specific pollution target or grid bill.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Evans says she would protect ACA coverage, lower drug prices, and extend federal premium tax credits. A Texas representative cannot extend a federal tax credit alone. No specific state Medicaid or insurance bill was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Evans says she would end the voucher program, fully fund public schools, and raise teacher pay. She has worked in Denton ISD schools but has no legislative voting record. Her campaign gives no specific funding or pay proposal.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Evans says local police time and local money should not be used for federal immigration enforcement. That could reduce Texas help for ICE, but a state representative cannot close or run Dilley. No statement from Evans on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative is one member of the Texas House. This person writes and votes on state laws and decides how Texas spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It needs support from both the Texas House and Senate before it goes to the governor. State representatives also vote on taxes and on whether voters should be asked to change the Texas Constitution, the main set of rules for state government.
A 2023 law required each public school campus to have an armed security officer unless the school qualified for an exception. It also required new safety plans, training, and notices to parents. State representatives voted on the rules and the money, while local schools had to carry them out.
In an extra 2023 lawmaking meeting, the House and Senate used more state money to help schools rely less on local property taxes. They also let homeowners subtract a larger amount from a home’s taxable value. Voters then approved the needed change to the Texas Constitution.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Democratic · State Representative · District 65
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
DeBurr has not published a clear plan for Texas pollution, electricity, water, or protection from extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
DeBurr lists Medicaid expansion as a campaign priority. In a 2024 mental health voter guide, he said expansion was the fastest way to improve access and equal coverage for mental health care.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
DeBurr filed a public comment against the 2025 voucher bill before it passed. He says public schools keep many fixed costs when students leave, so public money should not pay for private education. He has not held legislative office.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Republican · State Representative · District 65
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Little voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large power users help pay grid-connection costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He says Texas should put nuclear power first, followed by fossil fuels.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Mitch Little voted no in 2025 on a budget amendment that would have directed the state health agency to seek federal approval for the broadest Medicaid expansion allowed by federal law. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Little voted in 2025 to bar Texas state and local governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. Little also voted to clarify that doctors do not have to wait until a medical threat is immediate before acting under Texas's exception. That bill did not add exceptions for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Little voted for the 2025 voucher law and for a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. He also helped write a bill to abolish the Texas Education Agency and move many of its duties to other state offices. That bill died in committee.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Little voted for Texas SB 8 in 2025. The law requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. That lets trained local officers perform some federal immigration duties.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Little voted for Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. That vote supports state and local help for federal immigration enforcement, but it does not give Little control over Dilley. No statement from Little on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
Mitch Little voted against the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. No published plan for a different state law on testing or releasing powerful general-purpose AI was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
Mitch Little voted against SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large electric users help cover grid-connection costs and creates connection, disclosure, and emergency-curtailment rules. No published plan for a different approach to data center power, water, pollution, noise, or tax incentives was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative is one member of the Texas House. This person writes and votes on state laws and decides how Texas spends money. A proposed law is called a bill. It needs support from both the Texas House and Senate before it goes to the governor. State representatives also vote on taxes and on whether voters should be asked to change the Texas Constitution, the main set of rules for state government.
A 2023 law required each public school campus to have an armed security officer unless the school qualified for an exception. It also required new safety plans, training, and notices to parents. State representatives voted on the rules and the money, while local schools had to carry them out.
In an extra 2023 lawmaking meeting, the House and Senate used more state money to help schools rely less on local property taxes. They also let homeowners subtract a larger amount from a home’s taxable value. Voters then approved the needed change to the Texas Constitution.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · State Representative · District 106
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Patterson voted for SB 6 in 2025. The law makes very large power users help pay grid-connection costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He also backed another $5 billion for mostly gas-fired power and a state nuclear office.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
Jared Patterson voted no in 2025 on a budget amendment that would have directed the state health agency to seek federal approval for the broadest Medicaid expansion allowed by federal law. No separate 2026 plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate was found in the public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
Patterson co-authored the 2021 trigger law that now bans nearly all abortions in Texas. In 2025, he voted to clarify the medical exception and to bar Texas governments from helping someone obtain a legal abortion outside Texas. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Patterson helped write and voted for the 2025 voucher law. He also helped write and voted for a separate law adding $8.5 billion for public schools and teacher and staff pay. He says that funding sends about $107.9 million a year to schools in his House district.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
Patterson voted for Texas SB 8 in 2025. The law requires most sheriffs who run jails to join an ICE enforcement program when offered. That lets trained local officers perform some federal immigration duties.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
Patterson voted for Texas SB 8. It requires most county jails to join an ICE enforcement program when ICE offers one. That vote supports state and local help for federal immigration enforcement, but it does not give Patterson control over Dilley. No statement from Patterson on family detention there was found.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
Jared Patterson voted against the final House version of HB 149 in 2025. No published plan for a different state law on testing or releasing powerful general-purpose AI was found in the public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
Jared Patterson supported making very large power users help pay grid costs and follow emergency shutoff rules. He voted for SB 6 in 2025, which created those rules. No broader plan on water, air pollution, noise, or tax incentives was found in the public pages reviewed.
Democratic · State Representative · District 106
A state representative can file and vote on Texas grid, pollution, water, flood, building, and disaster laws. Cities, counties, and state agencies carry out many of those laws.
Mayes has not published a clear plan for Texas pollution, electricity, water, or protection from extreme weather.
A state representative can file and vote on Medicaid eligibility, the state health budget, and insurance rules that Texas controls.
No clear public plan to lower Texas's uninsured rate or reduce health insurance and medical costs was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A state representative can file and vote on bills that expand abortion access, restrict it, or change the exceptions. One representative cannot change the law alone.
No clear public position was found on who should make abortion decisions or which exceptions should apply.
A state representative can file and vote on public-school funding, teacher-pay formulas, and vouchers. Local districts still set their salary schedules within state law and funding.
Mayes opposes using public money for private schools. He proposes a permanent state endowment to provide more money for public education without a tax increase. He has not held legislative office and does not say how the endowment would receive its starting money.
A state representative can vote on Texas border spending, state immigration crimes, and local cooperation with ICE. The office cannot change federal visa or asylum law or run the federal Dilley center.
No clear public plan was found for immigration, border enforcement, deportation, or detention.
Dilley is an ICE detention center that holds parents and children together. Sworn statements from families describe rotting food, water they could not drink, and medical needs that were not treated. Federal data show that more than half of about 3,000 children held there during its first year after reopening stayed longer than the 20-day court limit. A state representative cannot close or run Dilley. The office can vote on Texas spending and laws that provide state or local help for federal immigration enforcement.
No clear public position on Dilley or family detention was found in the campaign and public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas AI laws.
No clear public plan for independent tests, incident reports, or release rules for powerful general-purpose AI was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
A state representative can file and vote on Texas rules for the grid, water, pollution, taxes, and local authority.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
The State Board of Education helps decide what every Texas public school must teach in each grade and subject. It sets state graduation rules and reviews textbooks and lessons that schools may choose to use. Local school boards still choose their own materials. The state board also oversees part of a large investment fund that helps pay for public schools.
In 2024, the board approved optional grade-school reading and math lessons, including Bluebonnet Learning. A local school board can choose whether to use them. State approval does not force a school to use them.
A school system that chooses certain state-approved lessons can receive an extra $20 per student each year for printed copies. The board’s approval can make one set of lessons cheaper for a local school to choose.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Democratic · Member, State Board of Education · District 14
The State Board sets Texas curriculum standards and graduation requirements. The Legislature can require subjects or courses, and local districts decide how to teach the standards.
Taylor wants classroom teachers, researchers, and subject experts to shape the standards. She supports teaching slavery and racism directly and wants less reliance on high-stakes tests. She has not named a graduation course or credit rule she would change. She has no State Board voting record.
The State Board reviews textbooks and full lesson programs for quality, accuracy, state standards, and age level. Approval can make materials eligible for extra state money. Local districts still choose what they use.
Taylor wants rigorous materials that can be adjusted for different students and do not teach religion as fact. She is skeptical of the state-created Bluebonnet lessons and wants evidence that they work. She says parents may limit books for their own child, but one parent or group should not decide what every student may read.
The State Board sets some Texas rules and standards for dyslexia, special education, and accessible learning materials. TEA and local districts carry out many services and enforce federal and state law.
Taylor says state-approved lessons should include supports for students with disabilities and students learning English. She wants lessons teachers can adjust for different needs. Her public campaign pages do not give a specific plan for dyslexia screening, the state dyslexia handbook, or enforcement when a school does not provide required services.
The education commissioner proposes new charter schools. The State Board can veto a proposed charter within 90 days. The board has much less power over later charter expansions.
Taylor wants the board to keep its veto power over new charters and gain power to review charter expansions. She says applicants should show financial accountability, public transparency, and a need in the community. Giving the board power over expansions would require a change in state law.
The State Board for Educator Certification proposes rules for teacher training, certification, ethics, and discipline. The State Board of Education can reject a rule with a two-thirds vote, but it cannot rewrite the rule.
Taylor supports keeping the State Board's review power. She wants more formal teacher training, classroom experience, and mentoring, with fewer uncertified teachers in core subjects. She has not named a specific certification or conduct rule she would reject first.
The State Board oversees part of the Permanent School Fund and the school bond guarantee program. It reviews investments and helps decide how much money can be sent to public schools while protecting the fund for future students.
Taylor says public money should support public-school students and lists the Permanent School Fund as a State Board duty. Her public campaign pages do not give a plan for investments, distributions, fees, conflicts of interest, or limits on political goals in investing.
Republican · Member, State Board of Education · District 14
The State Board sets Texas curriculum standards and graduation requirements. The Legislature can require subjects or courses, and local districts decide how to teach the standards.
Bumgarner says schools should focus on reading, writing, math, practical skills, faith, family, and pride in the country. She says STAAR preparation takes too much classroom time. She has not named a curriculum standard or graduation rule she would change. She has no State Board voting record.
The State Board reviews textbooks and full lesson programs for quality, accuracy, state standards, and age level. Approval can make materials eligible for extra state money. Local districts still choose what they use.
Bumgarner wants parents to see and challenge school materials. She says curriculum should reflect faith, family, freedom, and pride in the country. Her public campaign pages do not say whether she supports Bluebonnet Learning, religious content in required lessons, or removing a book from access for every student.
The State Board sets some Texas rules and standards for dyslexia, special education, and accessible learning materials. TEA and local districts carry out many services and enforce federal and state law.
Bumgarner says she has helped develop 504 plans, but her campaign does not say where she did that or what her role was. Her public pages do not give a plan for dyslexia screening, accessible materials, special-education standards, or enforcement.
The education commissioner proposes new charter schools. The State Board can veto a proposed charter within 90 days. The board has much less power over later charter expansions.
Bumgarner says charter schools and school choice can improve education through competition. Her public campaign pages do not say what financial, academic, management, or community-need findings would cause her to vote against a proposed charter.
The State Board for Educator Certification proposes rules for teacher training, certification, ethics, and discipline. The State Board of Education can reject a rule with a two-thirds vote, but it cannot rewrite the rule.
Bumgarner says teachers need tools and freedom to teach. Her public campaign pages do not say what she would do about teacher certification, alternative certification, educator preparation, misconduct rules, or the State Board's power to reject proposed rules.
The State Board oversees part of the Permanent School Fund and the school bond guarantee program. It reviews investments and helps decide how much money can be sent to public schools while protecting the fund for future students.
Bumgarner's public campaign pages do not discuss the Permanent School Fund. We do not know how she would vote on investments, distributions, fees, conflicts of interest, or protecting the fund for future students.
Despite the title, the Denton County judge does not spend most days deciding court cases. This person leads meetings of Commissioners Court, the five-member group that runs county government. The county judge has one vote, just like each of the four commissioners. The judge also leads the county’s work during floods, tornadoes, and other disasters.
After storms caused floods, fallen trees and other debris, power loss, and safety problems, the county judge officially declared a disaster. That step started the county emergency plan and helped local agencies work together on the response and ask for outside help.
The county judge led the meeting where Commissioners Court approved about $452.2 million in spending for 2025–26 and set the county property tax rate. The judge did not make those choices alone. Each of the four commissioners also had one vote.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · County Judge · Denton County
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Eads points to county work during freezes, fires, and tornadoes. During his term, Denton County updated flood maps and applied for FEMA money to help residents build safe rooms. That program still depends on federal approval and funding.
The County Judge leads Commissioners Court and has one of its five votes on the county budget, tax rate, staffing, debt, and major purchases. The office does not set property values or control city and school tax rates.
Eads has made a low county property-tax rate a central promise. The Commissioners Court he leads adopted a $452.2 million budget for 2025–26 and reduced the rate from $0.187869 to $0.185938 per $100 of taxable value. A lower rate does not guarantee a lower bill when taxable value rises. His campaign says he would keep the rate low while funding public safety and county services, but it gives no tax-rate target or list of programs he would cut.
Commissioners Court votes on county roads and bridges, rights-of-way, long-range plans, subdivision plats, drainage, rural wastewater, and rural fire and ambulance contracts. Cities and the state control many other roads and land-use decisions. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
Eads helped lead the 2022 road-bond proposal. Voters approved up to $650 million for more than 119 projects, including county roads and partnerships on city and state routes. During his term, Commissioners Court also adopted a countywide Fire and EMS plan for unincorporated areas and bought the Ponder fire station to support round-the-clock staffing. His campaign highlights mobility and growth, but it gives no countywide target for traffic delay, drainage, or project overruns.
The County Judge is the county's emergency management director. The judge can declare a local disaster, activate the emergency plan, coordinate agencies, and seek outside help. Commissioners Court must approve many longer-term plans and expenses.
Eads declared a local disaster after severe storms caused flooding, debris, power loss, and safety problems in May 2024. In August 2026, he issued another disaster declaration and burn ban during drought and wildfire danger. Commissioners Court adopted a countywide Fire and EMS plan during his term, but that plan and its funding required votes from the full court.
Commissioners Court funds the jail, sheriff, courts, prosecutors, appointed lawyers, public health, and some mental-health programs. The County Judge cannot direct arrests, prosecutions, or another judge's rulings.
The 2025–26 budget adopted by the court Eads leads includes about $36.5 million for the jail, $6.3 million for jail health, and $1.2 million for the Sheriff's Mental Health Unit. In 2023, the court approved two mental-health navigators to connect residents with care. In January 2026, Eads seconded the motion approving an optional ICE task-force agreement for the Sheriff's Office. These were Commissioners Court actions, not decisions he made alone.
Commissioners Court approves county contracts, purchases, construction, and some tax-abatement agreements. The County Judge has one vote. Cities and the state make separate zoning, permit, and incentive decisions.
Eads says attracting high-quality jobs is a priority. In 2024, the court approved a seven-year property-tax abatement for an Embraer aircraft center projected to create 250 jobs at an average salary of about $66,954. In 2026, Eads praised a Wistron agreement offering up to $5 million in abatements over eight years for a projected $687 million investment and 888 jobs. His campaign does not publish a general test for when he would reject a tax break or how the county reports whether promised jobs remain after approval.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Democratic · County Judge · Denton County
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Pappas would increase first-responder training and improve disaster coordination. He also calls for work on drainage and road gaps. He has not held county office and has not named specific projects.
The County Judge leads Commissioners Court and has one of its five votes on the county budget, tax rate, staffing, debt, and major purchases. The office does not set property values or control city and school tax rates.
Pappas would increase funding for emergency planning, public and mental health, courts, and infrastructure. He says he would review contracts and administrative offices for waste, post budgets and contracts, finish audits within six months, and keep reporting federal funds until they are spent. He also proposes a county hospital and says no one earning under $100,000 would pay more in new taxes. His plan gives no hospital cost and does not explain what county tax tool would separate taxpayers by income.
Commissioners Court votes on county roads and bridges, rights-of-way, long-range plans, subdivision plats, drainage, rural wastewater, and rural fire and ambulance contracts. Cities and the state control many other roads and land-use decisions. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
Pappas says county road projects should finish on time and on budget with the numbers made public. He would publish one rule for how much the county pays toward roads inside cities and post each professional-services contract before work begins. He also calls for work on drainage, mobility gaps, and rural emergency services. His plan names no first project, total cost, or completion date.
The County Judge is the county's emergency management director. The judge can declare a local disaster, activate the emergency plan, coordinate agencies, and seek outside help. Commissioners Court must approve many longer-term plans and expenses.
Pappas calls for stronger emergency plans, more first-responder training, stable funding, and better coordination among agencies. He also links drainage and transportation gaps to emergency readiness. He has not held county office, and his published plan gives no funding amount, response-time target, or standard for when he would declare a disaster.
Commissioners Court funds the jail, sheriff, courts, prosecutors, appointed lawyers, public health, and some mental-health programs. The County Judge cannot direct arrests, prosecutions, or another judge's rulings.
Pappas proposes a public county hospital with mental-health and addiction treatment. He would publish the daily cost of holding one person, report results from jail mental-health screenings, create a personal-bond office, and fund reentry programs. He would also end county funding for the optional ICE task-force agreement while keeping the jail agreement required by state law. His plan gives no hospital construction cost, operating budget, or opening date.
Commissioners Court approves county contracts, purchases, construction, and some tax-abatement agreements. The County Judge has one vote. Cities and the state make separate zoning, permit, and incentive decisions.
Pappas promises to post every county contract, its price, and supporting records before work begins. He also calls for public agendas, minutes, and financial reports for county boards and says existing contracts should be checked for duplication or poor performance. His campaign does not state a general rule for approving company tax abatements or set minimum job, wage, and repayment terms for those deals.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Denton County has four commissioners, and each one represents a different part of the county called a precinct. The four commissioners and the county judge make up Commissioners Court. Despite its name, this group runs county government. Its five members vote on the county budget, the county tax rate, roads, buildings, large contracts, and services such as the jail and courts.
For 2025–26, Commissioners Court approved about $452.2 million in county spending. It also set the county property tax rate at about 18.6 cents for every $100 of the value used to figure the tax bill. A tax rate can go down while a tax bill goes up if that value rises.
The budget added about $11.12 million for public safety and $5.39 million for courts and legal work. It also set aside $7.5 million to pay for projects without borrowing the money.
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Democratic · County Commissioner · Precinct 2
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Valenzuela says county roads and other services should keep pace with development. Her campaign gives no specific drainage, flood, heat, or emergency project. A commissioner can vote on these services in unincorporated parts of the county.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Republican · County Commissioner · Precinct 2
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Falconer supports building needed infrastructure before approving more growth. During his term, Denton County applied for FEMA money to help residents build safe rooms. His public record gives no specific drainage or flood-reduction project.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Denton County has four commissioners, and each one represents a different part of the county called a precinct. The four commissioners and the county judge make up Commissioners Court. Despite its name, this group runs county government. Its five members vote on the county budget, the county tax rate, roads, buildings, large contracts, and services such as the jail and courts.
For 2025–26, Commissioners Court approved about $452.2 million in county spending. It also set the county property tax rate at about 18.6 cents for every $100 of the value used to figure the tax bill. A tax rate can go down while a tax bill goes up if that value rises.
The budget added about $11.12 million for public safety and $5.39 million for courts and legal work. It also set aside $7.5 million to pay for projects without borrowing the money.
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Republican · County Commissioner · Precinct 4
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Wylie says he would protect open space and oppose development that grows faster than roads and public services. He also supports strong emergency services. His campaign gives no specific drainage, flood, or heat project.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
Democratic · County Commissioner · Precinct 4
The Commissioners Court oversees county floodplain rules, drainage and roads in unincorporated areas, county buildings, and emergency planning. Texas counties have little general zoning power and cannot set statewide energy or pollution rules.
Draper supports county spending and coordination for emergency services. She also calls for investment in drainage and basic infrastructure. Her campaign gives no specific project or flood-reduction goal.
The Commissioners Court can approve county tax abatements and incentive agreements. Texas counties have little general zoning power.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
The district attorney is Denton County’s lead prosecutor. Prosecutors are lawyers who bring criminal charges for the state. This office decides which cases to take to court, which charges to file, and when to drop a case. It also offers plea deals. A plea deal is an agreement in which the person charged admits guilt, often in return for a lower charge or sentence. The office also helps crime victims and gives legal advice to county government.
Denton County allows some people charged with lower-level crimes to enter a treatment program when mental illness played a part in the case. A person follows a treatment plan and checks in with the court. If the person finishes the program, the charge may be dropped.
The district attorney has workers who help crime victims, lawyers who ask judges for protective orders, and prosecutors who focus on family violence. Staffing and office rules can affect how quickly a person gets help.
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Republican · Criminal District Attorney · Denton County
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Denton County district attorney decides whether to bring local felony charges against a person accused of performing a prohibited abortion. Texas law does not allow criminal charges against the pregnant patient for her own abortion. The district attorney cannot rewrite the law.
No public statement from Johnson was found on whether his office would bring abortion cases against providers or other people. Texas law does not allow charges against the pregnant patient for her own abortion.
The county clerk is the keeper of many important county records. These include property papers, birth and death records, marriage licenses, records for lower-level crimes, wills, and papers about who gets a person’s money or property after death. The clerk also keeps records from meetings of the five people who run county government. This office does not run Denton County elections. A separate county office does that.
The clerk can send a free alert when someone files a new property paper using a person’s name. This can help a homeowner spot a deed that claims to transfer the home or a claim that money is owed on it without the owner knowing.
The county lets the public search many property and court records from home. Lawyers may sign up to see pictures of most case papers kept by the county clerk, district clerk, and local justice courts.
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Democratic · County Clerk · Denton County
Campaign websiteRepublican · County Clerk · Denton County
The district clerk keeps the papers and records for Denton County’s main trial courts. These courts hear serious crimes, larger lawsuits, divorces, child custody cases, and other family cases. The clerk accepts new papers, collects court fees, sends jury notices, and keeps track of court orders. The clerk does not decide cases.
Lawyers who sign up with the county can see pictures of most court papers online. This can save a trip to Denton and help a lawyer respond faster.
Different teams in the clerk’s office handle large lawsuits and family cases, serious criminal cases, jury service, and online filing. The office also supports grand juries, groups of residents who decide whether there is enough evidence to formally charge someone with a serious crime. If papers do not move from one team to the next, a hearing can be delayed.
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Republican · District Clerk · Denton County
The county treasurer keeps track of the county’s cash and bank accounts. The office receives county money and pays bills that other county officials have approved. The treasurer also helps place money in safe investments until the county needs it. The treasurer does not decide the county budget or choose which programs get money.
Each report shows how much money came in, how much went out, how much cash the county has, and where money is invested. It separates money for roads from money for courts, the jail, and other county work.
The treasurer and county auditor share responsibility for county investments. The auditor checks the numbers and gives a report every three months to Commissioners Court. The treasurer handles the daily movement of money and works with the companies that hold the investments.
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Republican · County Treasurer · Denton County
A constable is an elected law enforcement officer who works closely with a local justice court. Constables and their deputies deliver court papers that tell people about lawsuits and evictions. They also deliver protective orders, which may tell someone to stay away from another person. Constables carry out arrest warrants and other court orders, guard the court, and may help other police agencies. Denton County is split into six constable areas.
This race fills the rest of an unfinished term.
A Denton County report said the Precinct 5 office delivered 3,055 court papers within 24 hours during the 2020 budget year. It also completed 331 warrants. Fast delivery can affect how much time a person has to answer a lawsuit or prepare for an eviction hearing.
The county lists vehicle crashes, floods, Amber Alerts, and other emergencies among the times constables have assisted other agencies. The elected constable decides how much staff time goes beyond court work.
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Republican · County Constable · Precinct 1, Unexpired Term
A justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 1
Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 1
A justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 2
Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 2
A justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 3
Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 3
A justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 4
Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 4
Campaign websiteA justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 5
Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 5
A justice of the peace is a local judge. This court hears evictions, smaller fights over money, debt cases, and renters’ requests for repairs. It also hears some low-level crimes that can be punished only with a fine. The judge may sign warrants and handle the first steps after someone is arrested, such as explaining the charge and deciding whether the person may wait for trial outside jail.
Denton County has a form a renter can use to ask a judge to make a landlord fix a serious problem. It also has forms for evictions, debts, and smaller fights over money. Clear forms and instructions can decide whether a person can use the court without a lawyer.
One Denton County justice court has required online filing for many requests since 2022. Another stopped taking paper filings in 2025. Online filing can save a trip, but it can make court harder to use for someone without reliable internet or computer skills.
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Republican · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 6
Democratic · Justice of the Peace · Precinct 6
The comptroller is Texas’ chief money officer. The office collects state sales and business taxes, pays the state’s bills, and tells lawmakers how much money they may use in the state budget. It also gives out some money for better internet service and helps people find money or property the state is holding for them.
After lawmakers finished meeting in 2025, the comptroller said they had $203.63 billion in the main pool of state money for the next two-year budget. Lawmakers cannot spend more from that pool than the comptroller says is available. A bad guess can leave less money than expected for schools and other services.
In 2025, the office chose where to offer $1.2 billion from the U.S. government and $177 million from Texas for faster internet. Its maps and rules decide which homes and businesses count as having poor or no service.
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Republican · Comptroller of Public Accounts · Statewide
The comptroller runs and audits the Texas Education Freedom Accounts program and prepares budget estimates. The Legislature decides its funding and main eligibility rules.
Huffines became comptroller in August 2026 and now runs the Texas voucher program. His office requested more than $2.2 billion for its next two-year budget, about twice its current base funding. Lawmakers decide the program's budget and main rules.
The comptroller certifies data centers for state sales-tax exemptions and checks whether they meet current rules. Lawmakers set those rules.
Huffines became comptroller on August 1, 2026. His office certifies qualifying data centers for the state sales-tax exemption and audits whether they meet the job and investment rules. No separate plan to change how the office handles those duties was found in the public pages reviewed.
Democratic · Comptroller of Public Accounts · Statewide
The comptroller runs and audits the Texas Education Freedom Accounts program and prepares budget estimates. The Legislature decides its funding and main eligibility rules.
As a state senator, Eckhardt voted against the 2025 voucher law. As a candidate for comptroller, she says she would audit who receives voucher money and how it is spent. The comptroller can expose waste or rule violations but cannot repeal the program.
The comptroller certifies data centers for state sales-tax exemptions and checks whether they meet current rules. Lawmakers set those rules.
Eckhardt has backed a pause on new data center development. The comptroller cannot create that pause alone, but can audit current exemptions, publish fiscal information, and ask lawmakers to change the tax rules.
Green · Comptroller of Public Accounts · Statewide
The comptroller runs and audits the Texas Education Freedom Accounts program and prepares budget estimates. The Legislature decides its funding and main eligibility rules.
Faizi says she would administer the voucher program without favoring one group and would publish more spending information. She has no state voting record and gives no specific change to voucher eligibility or audits. The comptroller cannot rewrite the voucher law alone.
The comptroller certifies data centers for state sales-tax exemptions and checks whether they meet current rules. Lawmakers set those rules.
Faizi's campaign says data centers should not receive tax breaks. The comptroller can apply and audit the current exemption, but the Legislature must change or end it.
Libertarian · Comptroller of Public Accounts · Statewide
The comptroller runs and audits the Texas Education Freedom Accounts program and prepares budget estimates. The Legislature decides its funding and main eligibility rules.
Echavarria-Garza has not published a clear plan for running or auditing the Texas voucher program. The comptroller does not set public-school funding or teacher pay.
The comptroller certifies data centers for state sales-tax exemptions and checks whether they meet current rules. Lawmakers set those rules.
No clear public plan for data center power, water, pollution, noise, or public subsidies was found in the campaign or public pages reviewed.
The Railroad Commission does not oversee railroads. It is the state agency that watches oil and gas drilling, pipelines, the prices some gas companies may charge, and coal and uranium mining. It gives permits, checks work sites, enforces safety and pollution rules, and can fine companies. It also plugs old oil and gas wells when the company responsible for them is gone or will not do it.
The Railroad Commission used $25 million in federal money to seal more than 760 oil and gas wells. The companies responsible for the wells were gone or had not followed the rules. Sealing an old well can stop oil, gas, or dirty water from leaking into land and water.
During the 2025 state budget year, the agency checked 7,408 natural gas sites to see whether they were ready for severe weather. It also reported more than 460,000 checks of oil and gas wells and other sites. Natural gas problems during a hard freeze can also lead to power problems because many power plants burn gas.
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Libertarian · Railroad Commissioner · Statewide
The Railroad Commission regulates oil and gas wells, pipelines, gas utilities, abandoned-well cleanup, and critical gas systems. Another state agency issues most Texas air-pollution permits.
DiBianca has not published a clear plan for methane, gas flaring, oilfield cleanup, abandoned wells, or gas-system weatherproofing.
Republican · Railroad Commissioner · Statewide
The Railroad Commission regulates oil and gas wells, pipelines, gas utilities, abandoned-well cleanup, and critical gas systems. Another state agency issues most Texas air-pollution permits.
French calls oil and gas the base of a reliable Texas grid. He would speed permits and roll back parts of new oilfield environmental rules. He also supports more state work to plug abandoned wells.
Democratic · Railroad Commissioner · Statewide
The Railroad Commission regulates oil and gas wells, pipelines, gas utilities, abandoned-well cleanup, and critical gas systems. Another state agency issues most Texas air-pollution permits.
Rosenthal would end routine gas flaring and venting, require continuous pollution monitoring, and raise cleanup bonds. He also supports deadlines, outside audits, public reports, and fines for gas-system weatherproofing. The Railroad Commission can regulate gas infrastructure but not electric power plants.
The land commissioner manages land owned by the State of Texas and the oil, gas, and other valuable materials under that land. Money from this land helps fund public schools. The office also runs some disaster housing programs, protects the Texas coast, cares for the Alamo, and offers land and home loans to veterans.
By the end of 2025, the office said its Hurricane Harvey programs had helped repair or rebuild homes for more than 13,500 families. This office handles much of the housing money Texas receives from the U.S. government after a major disaster.
During the 2023 and 2024 state budget years, oil and gas from state land brought almost $3.4 billion into a fund for Texas public schools. The land commissioner helps decide how state land is leased and used to make that money.
In July 2025, the Veterans Land Board completed 87 loans worth about $9.5 million. A veteran may use this state program to get a loan for land that meets the program’s rules.
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Democratic · Commissioner of the General Land Office · Statewide
The land commissioner controls leases and mineral development on state land and helps run disaster recovery. The office does not regulate Denton electric service or local floodplain development.
Flores would expand both traditional and renewable energy work on state land while protecting natural resources. He also supports stronger disaster recovery and seeking available FEMA money. He gives no target for pollution from state mineral leases.
The land commissioner manages state school lands and their leases and royalties. That revenue supports the Permanent School Fund, but this office does not set teacher pay or voucher law.
Flores would expand oil, gas, and renewable energy work on state land to raise money for public schools. He has no land-commissioner record and gives no revenue estimate. State law controls how Permanent School Fund money is distributed.
Republican · Commissioner of the General Land Office · Statewide
The land commissioner controls leases and mineral development on state land and helps run disaster recovery. The office does not regulate Denton electric service or local floodplain development.
Buckingham has expanded oil and gas development on state land and also promotes carbon capture. Her office is working on coastal flood projects and disaster recovery, which do not directly prevent Denton County floods or grid failures. She gives no target for pollution from state mineral leases.
The land commissioner manages state school lands and their leases and royalties. That revenue supports the Permanent School Fund, but this office does not set teacher pay or voucher law.
Buckingham is the current land commissioner. Her campaign says state land leases and royalties under her leadership have produced more than $6 billion for the Permanent School Fund. Her campaign does not explain the time period behind that number, and the land commissioner cannot set teacher pay or voucher policy.
Libertarian · Commissioner of the General Land Office · Statewide
The land commissioner controls leases and mineral development on state land and helps run disaster recovery. The office does not regulate Denton electric service or local floodplain development.
Snider has not published a clear plan for energy leases, pollution, conservation, or disaster recovery through the General Land Office.
The land commissioner manages state school lands and their leases and royalties. That revenue supports the Permanent School Fund, but this office does not set teacher pay or voucher law.
Snider has not published a clear plan for school-land revenue or the Permanent School Fund. The land commissioner cannot set teacher pay or voucher policy.
The agriculture commissioner runs a state agency that helps farmers and rural towns. The office also runs school meal programs and checks many scales used to charge people by weight, such as grocery, livestock, and propane scales. It no longer checks gasoline pumps. Another state agency took over that job in 2020.
In 2024, the department worked with more than 8,000 schools that served about 3 million lunches each day. It also runs the programs that give free or lower-cost meals to children whose families qualify.
The department completed 41,253 device inspections in the 2024 budget year and found 796 problems. These checks cover scales and other tools used to set a price. If a device reads too high, a family or business can pay for something it did not receive.
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Libertarian · Commissioner of Agriculture · Statewide
The agriculture commissioner can shape state farm, soil, drought, water-conservation, and rural programs. The office does not regulate the power grid or set statewide air limits.
Kelly supports land restoration, planned burns, and research on how brush removal affects water supplies. He favors voluntary programs and private-property rights over state mandates. The agriculture commissioner does not control the electric grid or local flood rules.
Democratic · Commissioner of Agriculture · Statewide
The agriculture commissioner can shape state farm, soil, drought, water-conservation, and rural programs. The office does not regulate the power grid or set statewide air limits.
Tucker supports drought-tolerant crops, efficient irrigation, and farming methods that protect soil and water. He also says water-heavy projects should go to areas with enough water. The agriculture commissioner cannot repair Denton city pipes or regulate the electric grid.
Republican · Commissioner of Agriculture · Statewide
The agriculture commissioner can shape state farm, soil, drought, water-conservation, and rural programs. The office does not regulate the power grid or set statewide air limits.
Sheets says agriculture should have a formal role in state water planning and supports water conservation. His campaign gives no specific plan for drought-resistant farming, farm pollution, or soil protection.
The Texas Supreme Court is the highest Texas court for cases that are not criminal cases. These include fights over money, property, business, government, and many family matters. A person who thinks a lower court used the law the wrong way may ask a higher court to review the case. The Texas Supreme Court is the final stop for most questions about Texas law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. This court has nine justices. The chief justice gets one vote, just like each of the other eight, and also leads the court’s staff and helps lead work on rules used by courts across Texas.
During the pandemic, the court made a program for landlords and renters who both wanted to seek rental aid. It paused their eviction case while they asked for help. It also kept the case off the renter’s public record while the renter took part.
In 2016, the court made one form that people across Texas could use to ask for court fees to be waived. ‘Waived’ means they do not have to pay the fee. Without this help, some people could not start a case or defend themselves in one.
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Republican · Chief Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Statewide
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
Blacklock joined the unanimous court that reversed an order allowing Kate Cox to obtain an abortion in Texas. The court said her doctor had not shown that the medical exception applied. In 2024, he joined another unanimous ruling that removed a broader lower-court order but said doctors do not have to wait until a threat is immediate before acting.
Democratic · Chief Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Statewide
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
No ruling from Maggie Ellis on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The Texas Supreme Court is the highest Texas court for cases that are not criminal cases. These include fights over money, property, business, government, and many family matters. A person who thinks a lower court used the law the wrong way may ask this court to review the case. Its answer is the final word on most questions about Texas law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. The justices also write rules that other Texas courts must follow.
The Place 2 race fills the rest of an unfinished term.
In 2016, the justices said the way Texas paid for public schools followed the Texas Constitution, even though their written decision described serious problems. Because the court did not find the system against the Constitution, it did not order a new one. Any changes were left to lawmakers.
The justices approved one form that people across Texas can use to ask not to pay court fees they cannot afford. The court also changed the steps for delivering court papers, filing appeals, and handling some eviction cases.
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Democratic · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 2, Unexpired Term
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
Kelly joined a unanimous 2026 ruling that allowed clinics, abortion funds, and doctors to keep challenging the private-lawsuit system in Texas's 2021 early-pregnancy ban. The court decided that they had the legal right to bring the case. It did not decide whether the ban is constitutional.
Republican · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 2, Unexpired Term
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
No ruling from James P. Sullivan on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The Texas Supreme Court is the highest Texas court for cases that are not criminal cases. These include fights over money, property, business, government, and many family matters. A person who thinks a lower court used the law the wrong way may ask this court to review the case. Its answer is the final word on most questions about Texas law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. The justices also write rules that other Texas courts must follow.
The Place 2 race fills the rest of an unfinished term.
In 2016, the justices said the way Texas paid for public schools followed the Texas Constitution, even though their written decision described serious problems. Because the court did not find the system against the Constitution, it did not order a new one. Any changes were left to lawmakers.
The justices approved one form that people across Texas can use to ask not to pay court fees they cannot afford. The court also changed the steps for delivering court papers, filing appeals, and handling some eviction cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Democratic · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 7
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
No ruling from Kristen Hawkins on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Republican · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 7
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
No ruling from Kyle Hawkins on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The Texas Supreme Court is the highest Texas court for cases that are not criminal cases. These include fights over money, property, business, government, and many family matters. A person who thinks a lower court used the law the wrong way may ask this court to review the case. Its answer is the final word on most questions about Texas law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. The justices also write rules that other Texas courts must follow.
The Place 2 race fills the rest of an unfinished term.
In 2016, the justices said the way Texas paid for public schools followed the Texas Constitution, even though their written decision described serious problems. Because the court did not find the system against the Constitution, it did not order a new one. Any changes were left to lawmakers.
The justices approved one form that people across Texas can use to ask not to pay court fees they cannot afford. The court also changed the steps for delivering court papers, filing appeals, and handling some eviction cases.
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Republican · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 8
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
Busby joined the unanimous court that reversed an order allowing Kate Cox to obtain an abortion in Texas. The court said her doctor had not shown that the medical exception applied. In 2024, he joined another unanimous ruling that removed a broader lower-court order but said doctors do not have to wait until a threat is immediate before acting.
Democratic · Justice, Texas Supreme Court · Place 8
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Texas Supreme Court is the final Texas court for civil cases about the ban and its medical exception. Justices do not write the law. They decide what Texas law and the Texas Constitution mean in cases before them.
Triana joined a unanimous 2026 ruling that allowed clinics, abortion funds, and doctors to keep challenging the private-lawsuit system in Texas's 2021 early-pregnancy ban. The court decided that they had the legal right to bring the case. It did not decide whether the ban is constitutional.
The Court of Criminal Appeals is the highest Texas court for criminal cases. If someone says a lower court used the law the wrong way in a criminal case, that person may ask a higher court to review it. This court is the final stop for most questions about Texas criminal law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. This court reviews every Texas death sentence and chooses which other criminal cases it will hear.
During the 2025 state budget year, people asked the court to review hundreds of lower-court decisions. The judges chose 134 and turned down 713. Turning down a request usually leaves the lower court’s answer in place. It does not mean the judges held a new trial and found the person guilty again.
In some cases, the judges agreed with the lower court. In others, they changed the result or sent the case back so the lower court could fix a problem or do more work. The written reason becomes a rule that other Texas criminal courts must follow in similar cases.
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Libertarian · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 3
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Mark Ash on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Democratic · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 3
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Okey Anyiam on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Republican · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 3
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Thomas Smith on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The Court of Criminal Appeals is the highest Texas court for criminal cases. If someone says a lower court used the law the wrong way in a criminal case, that person may ask a higher court to review it. This court is the final stop for most questions about Texas criminal law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. This court reviews every Texas death sentence and chooses which other criminal cases it will hear.
During the 2025 state budget year, people asked the court to review hundreds of lower-court decisions. The judges chose 134 and turned down 713. Turning down a request usually leaves the lower court’s answer in place. It does not mean the judges held a new trial and found the person guilty again.
In some cases, the judges agreed with the lower court. In others, they changed the result or sent the case back so the lower court could fix a problem or do more work. The written reason becomes a rule that other Texas criminal courts must follow in similar cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Democratic · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 4
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Audra Riley on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Republican · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 4
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Kevin Patrick Yeary on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The Court of Criminal Appeals is the highest Texas court for criminal cases. If someone says a lower court used the law the wrong way in a criminal case, that person may ask a higher court to review it. This court is the final stop for most questions about Texas criminal law. A case about the U.S. Constitution or another federal law may sometimes go on to the U.S. Supreme Court. This court reviews every Texas death sentence and chooses which other criminal cases it will hear.
During the 2025 state budget year, people asked the court to review hundreds of lower-court decisions. The judges chose 134 and turned down 713. Turning down a request usually leaves the lower court’s answer in place. It does not mean the judges held a new trial and found the person guilty again.
In some cases, the judges agreed with the lower court. In others, they changed the result or sent the case back so the lower court could fix a problem or do more work. The written reason becomes a rule that other Texas criminal courts must follow in similar cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Democratic · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 9
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from Holly Taylor on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Republican · Judge, Court of Criminal Appeals · Place 9
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The Court of Criminal Appeals is the final Texas court for criminal cases. It could decide how criminal parts of Texas abortion law apply. It does not decide civil lawsuits over the ban.
No ruling from John Messinger on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
This is a new court that began work in 2024. It hears appeals from across Texas in certain cases about state government and large business cases. An appeal is when someone asks a higher court to check whether a lower court used the law correctly. The judges do not hold a new trial or hear new witnesses. This court has three judges. The chief justice gets one vote, just like each of the other two judges, and also leads the staff, schedule, and day-to-day work of the court.
The court began work on September 1, 2024. In its first year, it finished handling 163 cases. Courts call this ‘disposing’ of cases. It does not mean the cases were thrown away. A case may end with a decision, may end without a decision about the main disagreement, or may move to the court that is allowed to hear it.
State law gives this court only certain kinds of cases. In its first year, 14 cases came from the new Business Court, which hears certain large business fights. The 15th Court sent 23 cases to other appeals courts because the law said those courts should hear them. Most of its work follows the same basic appeals process as other appeals courts. The main difference is which cases it may take.
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Democratic · Chief Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from Jerry Zimmerer on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Republican · Chief Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from Scott Brister on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The 15th Court of Appeals is a new court that began work in 2024. It hears appeals from across Texas in certain cases about state government and large business cases. An appeal asks higher judges to check whether a lower court used the law correctly. The judges read the record from the first case. They do not hold a new trial or hear new witnesses.
In its first year, the court finished handling 163 cases. Courts call this ‘disposing’ of cases. It does not mean the judges threw the cases away. A case may end with a decision, may end without a decision about the main disagreement, or may move to the court that the law says should hear it. Fourteen of the cases came from the new Business Court, which hears certain large business fights.
State law gives the 15th Court only certain kinds of cases. In its first year, it sent 23 cases to other appeals courts because those courts were the ones allowed to hear them. Most of the appeals process is like the process in other appeals courts. The main difference is which cases this court may take.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District, Place 2
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from Scott K. Field on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Democratic · Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District, Place 2
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from Tom Baker on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The 15th Court of Appeals is a new court that began work in 2024. It hears appeals from across Texas in certain cases about state government and large business cases. An appeal asks higher judges to check whether a lower court used the law correctly. The judges read the record from the first case. They do not hold a new trial or hear new witnesses.
In its first year, the court finished handling 163 cases. Courts call this ‘disposing’ of cases. It does not mean the judges threw the cases away. A case may end with a decision, may end without a decision about the main disagreement, or may move to the court that the law says should hear it. Fourteen of the cases came from the new Business Court, which hears certain large business fights.
State law gives the 15th Court only certain kinds of cases. In its first year, it sent 23 cases to other appeals courts because those courts were the ones allowed to hear them. Most of the appeals process is like the process in other appeals courts. The main difference is which cases this court may take.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District, Place 3
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from April Farris on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Democratic · Justice, 15th Court of Appeals · 15th District, Place 3
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 15th Court hears certain civil appeals involving Texas or state officials. It may review an abortion case brought by or against a state official. The Texas Supreme Court can review its decisions.
No ruling from Marc M. Meyer on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The 2nd Court of Appeals is a higher court for cases from Denton County and nearby counties. If someone believes a trial judge used the law the wrong way, that person can appeal. The appeals judges read the papers, the written record of what happened, and arguments from the lawyers. They do not hold a new trial or hear the witnesses again. They can leave the first result in place, change it, or send the case back for more work.
During the 2025 state budget year, the court received 664 cases about money, property, family, or other noncriminal matters and 535 criminal cases. It finished 978 cases. Finishing a case can mean leaving the first result in place, changing it, dismissing the appeal, or sending it back to the lower court.
On average, about six and a half months passed between the day an appeal was filed and the day the court finished it. After the judges had all the written arguments and were ready to decide, the average wait was about one more month. During that time, money, child custody, or a criminal case may remain unsettled.
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Republican · Justice, 2nd Court of Appeals · 2nd District, Place 2
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 2nd Court hears civil and criminal appeals from Denton County. It could review an abortion case if one reaches the court. Higher Texas courts have the final say.
No ruling from Chris Taylor on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
The 2nd Court of Appeals is a higher court for cases from Denton County and nearby counties. If someone believes a trial judge used the law the wrong way, that person can appeal. The appeals judges read the papers, the written record of what happened, and arguments from the lawyers. They do not hold a new trial or hear the witnesses again. They can leave the first result in place, change it, or send the case back for more work.
During the 2025 state budget year, the court received 664 cases about money, property, family, or other noncriminal matters and 535 criminal cases. It finished 978 cases. Finishing a case can mean leaving the first result in place, changing it, dismissing the appeal, or sending it back to the lower court.
On average, about six and a half months passed between the day an appeal was filed and the day the court finished it. After the judges had all the written arguments and were ready to decide, the average wait was about one more month. During that time, money, child custody, or a criminal case may remain unsettled.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Justice, 2nd Court of Appeals · 2nd District, Place 7
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. The 2nd Court hears civil and criminal appeals from Denton County. It could review an abortion case if one reaches the court. Higher Texas courts have the final say.
No ruling from Brian Walker on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
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Republican · District Judge · 158th Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Steve Burgess on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · District Judge · 211th Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Brody Shanklin on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · District Judge · 367th Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Brent Hill on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · District Judge · 467th Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Derbha Jones on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · District Judge · 477th Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Michael Dickens on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A district court is one of the main courts where a case first goes to trial. A judge may hear serious criminal charges, large fights over money or property, divorces, child custody cases, or cases involving children. The judge makes sure the trial follows the law, decides what evidence the jury may hear, and may decide the result when there is no jury. Each numbered Denton County district court may handle a different kind of case, so the court number on the ballot helps tell you what the judge will do.
A district judge works with another judge, prosecutors, treatment workers, and officers who watch each person’s progress. A person who finishes the program may have the charge dropped and may be allowed to ask for the arrest record to be cleared.
Texas reports separate numbers for Denton County family cases, serious crimes, large lawsuits, cases involving children, and decisions about release before trial. A judge who hears divorces and child custody cases makes different daily choices from a judge who hears serious criminal cases.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · District Judge · 481st Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Crystal Edmonson Levonius on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
Democratic · District Judge · 481st Judicial District
Texas law bans nearly all abortions. It allows one only when a doctor believes the pregnancy risks the patient's life or could cause serious harm to a major body function. The law has no separate exception for rape, incest, or a fatal fetal diagnosis. A district judge may hear a civil challenge to an abortion law or a felony case accusing someone of performing a prohibited abortion. The judge applies the law to that case. An appeals court may review the decision.
No ruling from Seth Fuller on abortion access or the exceptions in Texas law was found in the public cases reviewed.
A county court at law is a local trial court created by Texas lawmakers. In Denton County, one of these judges may hear fights over money or property, family cases, cases involving children, or appeals from smaller local courts. The exact work depends on the number of the court shown on the ballot.
County Court at Law No. 1 runs a program for some young people whose mental health is tied to the case. The program uses treatment and close check-ins with the court instead of moving through the normal court process.
The county links to live or recorded hearings for County Court at Law No. 2. Online access can help a person follow a case without driving to the courthouse or missing a full day of work.
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Republican · Judge, County Court at Law · No. 1
A county court at law is a local trial court created by Texas lawmakers. In Denton County, one of these judges may hear fights over money or property, family cases, cases involving children, or appeals from smaller local courts. The exact work depends on the number of the court shown on the ballot.
County Court at Law No. 1 runs a program for some young people whose mental health is tied to the case. The program uses treatment and close check-ins with the court instead of moving through the normal court process.
The county links to live or recorded hearings for County Court at Law No. 2. Online access can help a person follow a case without driving to the courthouse or missing a full day of work.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Court at Law · No. 2
These judges hear crimes that can usually be punished by no more than one year in the county jail. These crimes are called misdemeanors. More serious crimes, called felonies, can lead to state prison. The judge decides what evidence may be used, makes sure a trial is fair, reviews agreements about guilt and punishment, and chooses a sentence when the law gives the judge a choice.
In Denton County’s mental health program, each person follows a treatment plan and returns to court for regular check-ins. A person who makes progress may have the charge dropped. A person who repeatedly breaks the program rules may return to the normal criminal case.
County Criminal Court No. 1 requires both the person charged and that person’s lawyer to attend court when a plea deal may be discussed or accepted. This helps make sure the person takes part in the decision, but it may also mean missing work or finding child care.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Criminal Court at Law · No. 1
These judges hear crimes that can usually be punished by no more than one year in the county jail. These crimes are called misdemeanors. More serious crimes, called felonies, can lead to state prison. The judge decides what evidence may be used, makes sure a trial is fair, reviews agreements about guilt and punishment, and chooses a sentence when the law gives the judge a choice.
In Denton County’s mental health program, each person follows a treatment plan and returns to court for regular check-ins. A person who makes progress may have the charge dropped. A person who repeatedly breaks the program rules may return to the normal criminal case.
County Criminal Court No. 1 requires both the person charged and that person’s lawyer to attend court when a plea deal may be discussed or accepted. This helps make sure the person takes part in the decision, but it may also mean missing work or finding child care.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Criminal Court at Law · No. 2
These judges hear crimes that can usually be punished by no more than one year in the county jail. These crimes are called misdemeanors. More serious crimes, called felonies, can lead to state prison. The judge decides what evidence may be used, makes sure a trial is fair, reviews agreements about guilt and punishment, and chooses a sentence when the law gives the judge a choice.
In Denton County’s mental health program, each person follows a treatment plan and returns to court for regular check-ins. A person who makes progress may have the charge dropped. A person who repeatedly breaks the program rules may return to the normal criminal case.
County Criminal Court No. 1 requires both the person charged and that person’s lawyer to attend court when a plea deal may be discussed or accepted. This helps make sure the person takes part in the decision, but it may also mean missing work or finding child care.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Criminal Court at Law · No. 3
These judges hear crimes that can usually be punished by no more than one year in the county jail. These crimes are called misdemeanors. More serious crimes, called felonies, can lead to state prison. The judge decides what evidence may be used, makes sure a trial is fair, reviews agreements about guilt and punishment, and chooses a sentence when the law gives the judge a choice.
In Denton County’s mental health program, each person follows a treatment plan and returns to court for regular check-ins. A person who makes progress may have the charge dropped. A person who repeatedly breaks the program rules may return to the normal criminal case.
County Criminal Court No. 1 requires both the person charged and that person’s lawyer to attend court when a plea deal may be discussed or accepted. This helps make sure the person takes part in the decision, but it may also mean missing work or finding child care.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Criminal Court at Law · No. 4
These judges hear crimes that can usually be punished by no more than one year in the county jail. These crimes are called misdemeanors. More serious crimes, called felonies, can lead to state prison. The judge decides what evidence may be used, makes sure a trial is fair, reviews agreements about guilt and punishment, and chooses a sentence when the law gives the judge a choice.
In Denton County’s mental health program, each person follows a treatment plan and returns to court for regular check-ins. A person who makes progress may have the charge dropped. A person who repeatedly breaks the program rules may return to the normal criminal case.
County Criminal Court No. 1 requires both the person charged and that person’s lawyer to attend court when a plea deal may be discussed or accepted. This helps make sure the person takes part in the decision, but it may also mean missing work or finding child care.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Criminal Court at Law · No. 5
A probate judge handles legal matters after someone dies, such as deciding whether a will is valid and who may manage the person’s money and property. The judge also hears requests for guardianship, which gives one person legal power to make some decisions for an adult who cannot safely make them alone. This court also decides some urgent requests to place a person in a mental health hospital without that person’s agreement.
A guardian is someone the court gives power to make certain choices for another person. Each year, Denton County asks the guardian about visits, housing, health care, and services. The judge reviews the report to check whether the person is safe and whether the guardian still needs the same amount of power.
In some urgent cases, the probate judge decides whether the law allows a person to be placed in a mental health hospital even when that person does not agree. The judge must weigh the danger to the person or others against the person’s right to be free.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Probate Court at Law · No. 1
A probate judge handles legal matters after someone dies, such as deciding whether a will is valid and who may manage the person’s money and property. The judge also hears requests for guardianship, which gives one person legal power to make some decisions for an adult who cannot safely make them alone. This court also decides some urgent requests to place a person in a mental health hospital without that person’s agreement.
A guardian is someone the court gives power to make certain choices for another person. Each year, Denton County asks the guardian about visits, housing, health care, and services. The judge reviews the report to check whether the person is safe and whether the guardian still needs the same amount of power.
In some urgent cases, the probate judge decides whether the law allows a person to be placed in a mental health hospital even when that person does not agree. The judge must weigh the danger to the person or others against the person’s right to be free.
Use these to start a conversation. Add the questions that matter most to you.
Republican · Judge, County Probate Court at Law · No. 2
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